THE  RUSSIAN  PLOT  TO  SEIZE  GALICIA 


(AUSTRIAN  KDTHENIA) 


BY 

VLA DTMI R  STE I’AXKI )VSK Y 


CL 


Second  Edition  enlarged  by  the  extracts  from  the 
American  press  dealing  with  the  attempted  Russification 
OF  Galicia  during  the  late  occupation  of  that  province. 


(F/Sd  ^  ^ 

Published  by 

The  Ukrainian  National  Council 

83  Grand  St.,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

1915 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 
in  2018  with  funding  from 
Duke  University  Libraries 


https://archive.org/details/russianplottosei01step 


THE  RUSSIAN  PLOT  TO  SEIZE  GALICIA 

.  (AUSTRIAN  RUTHENIA) 


BY 

VLADIMIR  STEPANKOVSKY 


Second  Edition  enlarged  by  the  extracts  from  the 
Ame;rican  press  dealing  with  the  attempted  Russification 
OF  Galicia  during  the  late  occupation  of  that  province. 


Published  by 

The  Ukrainian  National  Council 
83  Grand  St.,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

1915 


V 


9  .  9/^3 

S  ^  7 


PREFACE  TO  THE  SECOND  EDITION. 


This  pamphlet  by  Vladimir  Stepankovsky,  a  Ukrainian 
from  Russia,  who  lived  for  a  long  time  in  England,  first 
appeared  in  London,  in  March,  1914,  i  .e.  four  months  be¬ 
fore  the  outbreak  of  the  great  European  war. 

The  whole  booklet  is  devoted  to  a  presentation  of  Rus¬ 
sia’s  preparations  for  the  seizure  of  Galicia  and  the  attempt 
on  the  national  life  of  the  Ukrainians  inhabiting  the  eastern 
part  of  that  Austrian  province,  together  with  the  author’s 
conclusions  from  these  data. 

Within  four  months  after  the  publication  of  this  pamph¬ 
let  the  European  war  broke  out  and  proved  to  the  world 
the  truthfulness  of  the  author’s  views. 

In  support  of  this  statement  I  am  presenting,  in  con¬ 
clusion,  some  items  (mostly  telegrams)  taken  from  the 
American  press  with  regard  to  the  methods  the  Russians 
used  during  the  recent  occupation  of  Galicia,  aiming  at  the 
destruction  of  the  Ukrainian  nationality  by  forbidding  their 
language  and  persecuting  their  religion. 

The  barbarous  rule  of  the  Russians  in  Galicia,  of  course, 
will  be  adequately  treated  by  history  after  the  war  is  over, 
this  pamphlet  having  as  its  object  merely  to  attract  the 
attention  of  American  readers  to  the  subject. 

VLADIMIR  B.  LOTOTSKY 

Secretary  of  the  Ukrainian  National  Council  of  America. 


Jersey  City,  N.  J.,  August,  1915. 


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INTRODUCTION. 


Signs  of  growing  Russian  activity  aiming  at  the 
undermining  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  rule  in  the  Western 
parts  of  the  Ruthenian  territory,  are  noticeable  everywhere. 
They  can  be  perceived  now  not  only  by  a  student  of 
Eastern  European  polit'.cs,  but  by  any  newspaper  reader, 
in  any  part  of  the  world.  While,  however,  an  uninitiated 
layman  is,  as  a  rule,  debarred  from  penetrating  into  the 
inner  sigificance  of  the  developments  in  Eastern  Galicia, 
Eastern  Hungary  and  Bukovina,  this  is  perfectly  visible 
to  one,  who,  like  the  present  writer,  is  a  native  of  the 
“danger  zone”  itself,  and  is  therefore,  intimately  connected 
with  its  life  and  problems.  A  Ruthenian  by  race,  the 
writer  is  alarmed  equally  with  the  rest  of  his  people,  at 
the  news  of  the  feverish  preparations  on  the  part  of  the 
Russians,  and  their  renewed  determination  to  deal  a 
violent  blow  to  the  cause  of  the  national  revival  of  his 
race.  As  one  who  resided  long  in  England,  he  is  prompted 
to  attempt  to  arouse  the  attention  of  Englishmen  to  an 
affair  which  It  is  endeavored  to  conceal  from  them 
studiosly;  and,  although  Orthodox  and  a  Russian  subject, 
he  does  not  shrink  from  exposing  this  piece  of  Russian 
policy,  where  the  whole  question  of  life  and  death  of  his 
people  is  involved. 


V.  STEPANKOVSKY. 


The  Foreign  Pre.ss  .\ssociation, 


London,  Marcli,  1914. 


ORIGIN  OF  THE  GONSPIRAGY. 


The  world  knows  of  nothing  more  artificial  than  the 
official  conception  of  the  substance  of  the  Russian  State. 
If  one  takes  up  an  authorized  text-book  on  Its  history, 
or  a  Manual  of  its  Constitutional  Law,  and  reads  what 
is  said  there  about  the  origins,  foundations  and  the  de¬ 
velopment  of  the  Empire  of  the  Tsars,  he  will  be  surprised 
to  discover  how  ephemeral  and  unhistoric  can  be  the 
grounds  upon  which  great  political  structures  sometimes 
rest.  , 

One  of  the  chief  dodges  In  the  official  stock  of  Rus¬ 
sian  political  ideas  is  the  purely  “sporting”  contention 
to  the  effect  that  the  ancient  Ruthenian  Kingdom  of 
Kiev  and  Lemberg,  which  lay  both  sides  of  the  River 
Dnieper  between  the  Carpathians  and  the  Don,  was 
not  Ruthenian,  but  “Russian”  or  Muscovite;  and  that 
the  Great  Northern  Empire  was  not  a  creation  of  barely 
two  hundred  years  ago,  but  a  direct  descendent  of  that 
Kingdom  which  flourished  from  the  loth  to  the  14th 
Century.  I  dare  say  the  point  of  view  may  even  be  not 
entirely  unfamiliar  to  my  reader,  who  probably  is  quite 
accustomed  to  associate  the  picturesqueness  of  the  early 
political  life  of  Kiev  and  Lemberg  with  the  barbarity  of 
the  later  historical  exploits  of  Moscow;  the  Russians  took 
good  care  that  deliberate  historical  fallacies  of  this  kind 
should  be  widely  spread  abroad.  Many  English  books  and 
encyclopaedias  have  adopted  similar  misstatements  as 
an  approved  version.  Who,  under  these  circumstances, 
can  be  blamed  for  not  realising  that  the  Russian  Empire 
rose  from  the  union  of  two  distinct  Nations,  and  that 
this  union  was  not  brought  about  but  through  an  accident 
and  was  accompanied  by  very  m.uch  bloodshed?  Not  even 
all  the  professors  of  the  Universities  in  the  West  of  Eu¬ 
rope  hove  a  clear  idea  of  the  true  history  of  Russia. 


8 


Thus,  the  Russians  find  themselves  at  liberty  to  use 
these  subterfuges  as  “scientific”  arguments  at  home,  in 
dealing  with  the  demands  of  the  Russian  Ruthenians 
agitating  for  the  restoration  of  their  national  rights,  and 
abroad,  in  diplomacy  and  journalism. 

It  is,  however,  but  a  portion,  although  the  largest, 
of  the  ancient  Ruthenian  Kingdom  —  that  which  lies 
to  the  East  —  that  forms  at  the  present  a  part  of  the 
Russian  Empire.  The  western  part  of  it,  under  the  names 
of  the  Kingdom  of  Galicia  and  Lodomeria,  Bukovina 
and  Eastern  Hungary  enters  as  a  component  into  the 
Empire  of  the  Hapsburgs.  In  the  official  language  of  the 
Russians,  “a  portion  of  the  Russian  (sic!)  people  remains 
outside  the  borders  of  the  Fatherland”,  and  they  call  the 
Austro-Hungarian  province  populated  by  these  „outside 
Russians”  “the  outside  Russia”  or  “Zarubejnaia  Rossiya”. 

It  must  be  mentioned  here  that  the  Russians,  since 
they  have  annexed  the  history  of  the  Ruthenian  Kingdom 
to  that  of  their  own  Empire,  often  substitute  the  words 
“Russia”  and  „Russian”  for  “Ruthenia”  and  “Ruthenian” 
now  distorting  the  meaning  of  the  last  word,  then  using 
the  term  “Russia”  in  a  double  sense.  If  they  are  exposed, 
they  seek  refuge  in  a  pet  theory,  according  to  which  the 
terms  “Russia”  and  “Ruthenia”  are  synonymous !  There 
is  no  pursuing  the  official  casuists,  who  will  slip  from 
theory  to  theory  with  a  remarkoble  ease,  showing  that 
they  have  no  real  regard  for  their  own  inventions,  their 
only  aim  being  to  incorporate,  at  whatever  costs,  the 
Austrian  Ruthenia  into  the  Russian  Empire.  In  this  case, 
the  wish  is  the  father  to  the  thought. 

But  why  are  the  Russians  so  desirous 
of  obtaining  mastery  over  the  Western  (Austrian) 
Ruthenia?  Does  this  desire  spring  from  the  academic  idea 
that  is  conceived  as  an  historic  heritage  must  be  incor¬ 
porated  into  the  realm  that  claims  that  heritage? 

There  are  more  reasons  than  one  'for  their  ambition, 
the  principal  one  being  the  shelter  afforded  by  the  Au¬ 
strian  part  of  the  Ruthenian  territory  to  the  natinol 
revival  of  the  race.  This  revival  reverberates'  across  the 
frontier;  it  finds  its  echo  among  the  Ruthenian  subjects 
of  the  Tsar. 

Another  reason  is  the  geographical  position  of  Gali¬ 
cia,  Bukovina,  and  Eastern  Hungary.  These  eastern 
provinces  of  Austria-Hungary  hold  the  key  to  the  route 
into  the  Balkans. 


9 


To  begin  with  this,  the  less  important,  it  will  be 
sufficient  to  glance  at  the  map  of  Europe  to  see  how  the 
Carpathian  mountain  range,  bordering  Galicia  and  Bu- 
kovina  on  the  west,  forms  a  natural  wall,  running  from 
the  north-west  to  the  south-east  where  it  sharply  turns 
to  the  west,  as  if  to  shelter  the  peninsula  from  Hungary. 
It  seems  to  have  been  erected  there  for  special  purposes 
of  protecting  the  Eastern  invader  of  the  Balkans ;  by  this 
route  the  present  inhabitants  of  the  Peninsula  came  in 
the  early  centuries  of  our  era  to  populate  their  new 
homes.  Regarded  as  one,  the  Balkans  and  Russia  face 
Central  Europe  by  the  Carpathian  bulwark.  What  food 
for  imagination  to  an  ambitious  politician  who  dreams 
day  and  night  of  Pan-Slavism,  and  of  the  war  between 
the  Slav  and  the  Teuton!* 

If,  however,  the  annexing  of  Galicia  and  Bukovina 
to  the  Russian  possessions  would  expose  the  Balkan 
States  and  Constantinople  to  the  Russian  armies,  whose 
right  wing  would  be  then  thoroughly  protected  from  any 
possible  attack  by  a  great  power,  it  is  by  no  means  the 
nightmare  of  the  Muscovite  Pan-Slavism  (although  in 
that  case  it  would  become  a  real  danger)  that  should  be 
considered  here  in  the  first  place.  For  the  annexation  of 
the  Austrian  Ruthenia,  if  it  were  possible,  might  imperil 
a  movement,  the  further  development  of  which  would 
disperse  for  ever,  automatically,  all  the  Muscovite  “Pan- 
Slavist”  hopes. 

This  movement  is  the  National  Revival 
among  the  Ruthenians.  It  began  in  the  first 
half  of  the  last  century;  its  birthplace  was  Russia,  the 
Russian  part  of  Ruthenia. 

The  Ruthenian  Race,  occupying  vast  territory  in  the 
South-East  of  Europe,  is  one  of  its  oldest  and 
noblest  races.  In  ancient  times  they  were  called 
Scythians,  and  were  described  by  Herodotus,  who  visited 
their  country  about  the  5th  Century  B.  C.  To  this  day 
many  of  their  “Scythian”  customs  and  ways  survive, 
linking  them  with  such  races  as  issued  from  the  womb 
of  Scythia  to  populate  Western  Europe.  One  of  the  native 
articles  of  dress,  which  is  closely  related  to  the  Scotch 
“kilt”,  may  serve  as  an  example. 

*  At  a  meeting  of  “The  Russo-Galician  Society’’  in  St.  Peters¬ 
burg  on  February  4th,  1913,  .4.  I.  Savenko,  a  member  of  the  Duma 
and  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  “Society”,  urged  the  Government  to 
remember  that  Russia’s  future  march  to  Constantinople  lies  through 
Galicia.  (Reported  in  the  Lemberg  “Dilo”,  March  9th,  1914‘. 


10 


After  the  open,  or  “Steppe”,  part  of  the  country 
had  served  for  centuries  as  a  passage  to  all  kinds  of 
nomad  hordes,  who  incessantly  poured  from  Asia  into 
Europe,  spreading  ruin  and  terror,  Ruthenia  emerged 
from  the  dark,  in  the  gth  Century  of  our  era,  as  a  country 
whose  political  organization  was  rapidly  consolidating. 
A* number  of  capable  rulers  transformed  it  in  the  course 
of  a  couple  of  centuries  into  the  largest  and  probably  the 
most  civilized  power  of  contemporary  Europe.  In  g88 
King  Volodimir,  the  Saint,  introduced  Christianity;  his 
successor,  Yaroslav,  The  Wise,  erected  buildings,  some 
of  which  remain  to  this  day  as  masterpieces  of  architecture ; 
the  successor  of  this,  Volodimir  Monomachos,  whose 
daughter  Anne  became  Queen  of  France,  married  Gytha, 
the  daughter  of  Harold,  the  Saxon  King  of  England. 

Kiev  on  the  Dnieper  was  the  capital  of  that  great 
and  famous  Kingdom,  the  size  of  which  was  larger  than 
that  of  the  present  day  Germany;  in  wealth  and  magnifi¬ 
cence,  it  rivalled  the  capital  of  the  Eastern  Roman  Em¬ 
pire  itself. 

When  in  1240,  after  having  been  previously  pillaged 
by  the  Muscovites  (1147),  the  Ruthenian  capital  was 
finally  destroyed  by  the  Tartars,  the  centre  of  their 
political  life  was  transferred  to  the  western  parts  of  the 
country,  Galicia. 

Till  i34g  the  Kingdom  continued  to  exist  as  the 
largest  State  of  Europe.  Although  its  centre  was  now 
in  the  west,  its  border  on  the  east  reached  as  far  as 
the  River  Dnieper,  and  on  the  south  —  to  the  shores  of 
the  Black  Sea  and  banks  of  the  Dunabe. 

In  the  14th  Century  and  the  15th,  weakened  and 
disorganized  by  the  in-roads  of  new  Asiatic  nomads 
(chiefly  Tartars)  the  Kingdom  gradually  became  disinte¬ 
grated  and  was  annexed  bit  by  bit  to  the  Principality  of 
Lithuania,  which  grew  strong  while  the  Ruthenians  were 
occupied  in  defending  themselves  against  the  on-rush  of 
the  Tartars. 

.When  in  isbg  Lithuano-Ruthenia  united  itself  to 
Poland,  and  this  Power  soon  after  that  union,  assumed 
the  leading  role  in  the  newly  formed  Federated  State, 
Ruthenia  found  itself  practically  under  the  domination 
of  the  Poles. 

A  hundred  years  later,  under  the  leadership  of  its 
“Hetman”  or  elected  ruler,  Bohdan  Khmelnitsky;  the  Ru- 


11 


thenians*  overthrew  the  domination  of  the  Poles,  thereby 
bringing  about  the  doom  of  the  Polish  Republic.  They 
then  allied  themselves  to  the  Grand  Duchy  of  Muscovy 
(a  country  a  short  time  before  discovered  by  some  English 
travellers),  preserving  their  full  national  independence. 

This  alliance  concluded  in  1654  at  Pereyaslav  (near 
Kiev),  laid  the  foundations  of  the  Russian  Empire,  and 
the  Hetman  B.  Khmelnitsky  who  brought  it  about,  was 
the  real  creator  of  the  Great  Russia,  just  as  he  was 
the  primary  cause  of  the  downfall  of  Poland. 

The  aggrandizement  of  Muscovy  and  the  rise  of  the 
Russian  Empire  were  not,  however,  among  the  objects  of 
the  Ruthenians  when  they  formed  the  alliance.  Conse¬ 
quently  the  encroachments  of  the  Muscovites  upon  their 
independence,  met  with  a  stubborn  resistance. 

In  1709,  under  the  leadership  of  their  Hetman,  Ivan 
Mazeppa  and  in  conjunction  with  the  Swedes,  under  Charles 
XII.,  they  fought  their  last  battle  against  the  Muscovites 
and  their  encroachments  upon  their  independence. 

They  lost  the  battle  at  Poltava. 

The  19th  century  found,  in  place  of  the  once  inde¬ 
pendent  Nation  a  number  of  “Governments”  or  provinces 
of  Russia,  with  the  exception  of  the  western  part  of  the 
country  which  once  formed  the  centre  of  the  Ruthenian 
Kingdom,  and  now,  after  having  passed  through  great 
many  intervening  stages,  has.  been  allo):ted  to  Austria- 
Hungary. 

If  we  wished  to  speak  of  the  so-called  “historic 
rights”,  so  often  violated  but  nevertheless  again  and 
again  alluded  to  when  it  is  desired  to  justify  some  act 
of  international  robbery,  we  should  assert  that  Austro- 
Hungary  had  a  much  better  title  to  the  possession  of 
Galicia,  than  Russia  to  the  domination  of  the  rest  of 
the  Ruthenian  territory.  For  the  Crown  of  Hungary  had 
some  well-founded  pretensions  to  the  throne  of  Galicia 
and  Lodomeria.  The  whole  part  of  Ruthenia,  west  of 
the  river  Dnieper,  might  be  claimed  by  the  House  of 
Hapsburg,  on  that  ground. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  19th  Century  when  the  Ru¬ 
thenian  national  individuality  seemed  practically  extinct 
and  their  territory  completely  incorporated  into  the  body 

*  Or  —  as  they  were  chiefly  called  then  —  The  Cossacks. 
The  Cossacks  of  Ukraine,  or  the  Ruthenians  of  the  15th-18th  Centu¬ 
ries,  must  not  be  confounded  with  the  present  day  “Cossacks”  of 
Russia,  who  for  the  most  part  bear  no  relationship  to  the  famous 
Qossacks  of  history. 


12 


of  the  Empire  under  the  label  of  “Little  Russia”,  to  the 
Russian  surprise,  signs  of  the  Ruthenian  national  revival! 
appeared. 

At  first  the  national  movement  manifested  itself  a& 
a  literary  agitation.  It  soon,  however,  began  to  show  its 
political  nature.  The  demand  for  the  dissolution  of  the 
Russian  official  view  of  the  Empire  and  the  claim  for 
the  restoration  of  the  national  rights,  as  guaranteed  by 
the  Treaty  of  Pereyaslav,  were  clearly  foreshadowed. 

From  Russia  the  movement  travelled  to  the  Austrian’ 
part  of  Ruthenia.  When  it  began  to  be  persecuted  in 
Russia,  Austria  became  its  centre. 

The  attempts  to  suppress  the  Ruthenian  National 
Revival  in  Russia  may  be  divided  into  two  parts:  first, 
before  1905,  or  before  the  Constitution  was  granted,  and 
second,  after  that  date. 

During  the  first  of  these  periods,  Ruthenian  literature 
was  proscribed,  no  books,  or  newspapers  were  allowed  to- 
appear  in  the  national  language,  except  some  poetry  and 
tales.  Theatrical  performances  were  also  prohibited.  The 
use  of  the  name  of  the  country  was  regarded  as  treason¬ 
able.  In  contradistinction  to  other  parts  of  the  Empire,, 
the  country  had  to  be  called  in  the  approved  Russian 
fashion  “Little  Russia”,  and  not  otherwise.  The  Greek- 
Catholic,  or  Uniate  religion,  adhered  to  by  a  great  number 
of  Ruthenians,  was  exterminated  at  the  point  of  the 
bayonet.  During  the  19th  Century  no  less  than  7,000.000- 
Ruthenians  were  driven  by  military  force  into  the  Russian 
Orthodox  Church  and  compelled  to  partake  of  its  sacra¬ 
ments.  Protestantism  largely  spread  in  the  country  met 
with  similar  persecution.  The  Bible  in  Ruthenian,  pu¬ 
blished  after  its  prohibition  in  Russia  by  the  British  and 
Foreign  Bible  Society,  was  declared  a  revolutionary 
publication  and  its  circulation  forbidden.  It  would  be  long 
and  uninteresting  to  enumerate  the  wanton  indignities 
which  the  Russians  inflicted  upon  their  Ruthenian  subjects. 

The  latter  replied  to  them  by  supporting  e  n 
masse  the  revolutionary  movement  in  the  Empire.  To- 
mention  but  a  few  of  the  more  recent  instances,  they 
organized  the  notorious  risings  of  the  peasants  in  1901 — 
1902,  the  mass  strikes  of  workers  thraughout  the  width 
and  breadth  of  the  Ruthenian  territory,  during  the  1903 — 
1904;  the  revolt  of  the  Black  Sea  Fleet. 

Father  Gapon,  who  led  the  famous  rebellion  of  the 
St.  Petersburg  populace  in  January,  19.05,,  was  a  Ruthe- 


13 


nian,  and  so  were  the  majority  of  the  sailors  of  the  rebel¬ 
lious  Baltic  Fleet. 

While  compelled  in  Russia  to  resort  to  revolutionary 
methods,  in  Austria  the  Ruthenians  were  allowed  to 
adapt  their  national  demands  to  the  Austrian  Consti¬ 
tution.  The  Government  of  Austria-Hungary  realized  that 
there  was  no  political  virtue  in  suppressing  a  race  that 
was  bound  to  survive,  and  the  Ruthenians  were  accorded 
a  degree  of  national  recognition.  Although  their  position 
leaves  still  much  to  be  desired,  a  normal  development  of 
their  nationality  seems  to  be  assured.  In  fact,  the  Austrian 
part  of  the  Ruthenian  territory  was  frequently  called  the 
Piedmont  of  the  Ruthenians. 

What  takes  place  among  the  Ruthenians  in  Austria, 
naturally  finds  an  echo  among  their  brethren  in  Russia. 
The  difference  in  treatment  of  the  national  demands  by 
the  two  Powers  is  so  evident  that  invidious  comparisons 
are  unavoidable.  Since  the  sincerity  of  the  Russian  con¬ 
stitutional  promises  is  greatly  comprised,  any  hope  for 
the  betterment  of  the  national  lot  within  Russia  seems 
a  vain  illusion. 

In  no  other  case,  perhaps,  was  the  Russian  costi- 
tution  quite  so  hollow  a  sham  as  in  its  application  to 
the  Ruthenians.  Although  nominally,  more  free  they 
were  d  e  facto  just  as  shamefully  persecuted  now  as 
they  were  before  1905.  To  quote  but  a  recent  instance: 
the  centenary  of  Shevtchenko,  the  revered  national  poet, 
that  was  to  hove  been  celebrated  in  March,  1914,  was 
prohibited  on  the  ground  of  “being  undersirable”,  and 
prayers  for  the  poet  were  not  allowed  to  be  said  in  the 
churches. 

A  pro-Austrian  fermentation  is  a  natural  consequence 
of  that  policy. 

Two  courses  seem  open  to  the  Russians^  in  view 
of  the  rapid  growth  of  the  Ruthenian  National  Revival, 
which  has  assumed  alarming  proportions  in  relation  to 
Eastern  European  politics ;  these  are  the  emulation  of 
the  Austrian  policy  of  toleration  and  goodwill  towards 
the  Movement;  or  the  alternative  course,  consisting  of 
its  fiercest  suppression  within  Russia,  plus  the  annexation 
of  the  Austro-Hungarian  parts  of  the  Ruthenian  territory 
and  equally  ferocious  stamping  out  of  the  Movement  there. 

Should  Russia  be  defeated  in  her  second  course, 
which  after  all  is  the  most  probable  eventuality,  she  will 
have  to  embark  upon  a  policy  entirely  new  to  her  and 


14 


recognise  the  Ruthenian  national  claims.  This  would  lead 
her  to  concede  the  full  amount  of  freedom  and  indepen¬ 
dence  guaranteed  to  them  by  their  Treaty  of  Alliance 
with  Muscovy,  still  on  the  Statute  Book  of  the  Russian 
Empire.  In  that  case  only  the  Austro-Hungarian  parts 
of  Ruthenia  —  should  Austria  alter  per  present  policy 
—  might  be  induced  to  take  a  pro-Russian  attitude. 

However,  the  question  of  conceding  to  the  Ruthe- 
nians  the  rights  that  are  their  due,  is  not  a  very  simple 
one  from  the  Russian  stand-point.  The  Ruthenian  race 
numbers  nearly  40,000.000  souls,  of  which  35,000.000  are 
Russian  subjects.  The  territory  populated  by  them, 
UKRAINE,  is  one  of  the  richest  regions  in  the  world; 
and  the  natural  capacities  of  the  race  are  well  recognized. 
Suppressed  and  hampered  in  their  careers  as  they  are 
at  the  present,  they,  nevertheless  supply  the  main  intel¬ 
lectual  forces  of  the  Russian  Empire ;  they  form  the  best 
regiments  of  soldiers ;  their  country  is  the  granary  of 
the  whole  East  of  Europe ;  it  holds  the  key  to  the  Black 
Sea  and  the  most  important  ports  of  Tsardom.  Given  a 
free  scope,  they  might  challenge  the  very  supremacy  of  the 
Muscovite  race  within  the  Empire.  The  Muscovites  are 
in  the  minority.  According  to  the  Russian  official  census, 
which  includes  into  their  number  those  denationalized 
factions  of  the  Empire  in  process  of  becoming  Muscovites, 
their  general  number  is  about  75,000.000.  These  are  faced 
by  95,000.000  non-Muscovites,  who,  by  the  policy  of 
oppression  may  be  kept  for  a  time  in  bondage  but  would 
cast  in  their  lot  with  the  Ruthenians,  if  these  succeeded 
in  over-throwing  the  Muscovite  yoke. 

Therein  lies  the  reason  why  the  Russians  will  go 
to  any  length  in  their  efforts  to  crush  the  Ruthenian 
revival,  even  to  the  point  of  war  with  Austria,  rather 
than  submit  to  the  inevitable.  It  is  hard  to  part  with  a 
hegemony,  even  if  its  possession  is  derived  from  pure 
accident,  and  not  from  any  inherent  right  of  the  given  race. 


DETAILS  OF  THE  PLOT. 


The  Russians  are  determined  to  add  the  Ruthenian 
provinces  of  Austria-Hungary  to  their  own  Ruthenian 
possesions. 

The  decision  to  that  effect  was  probably  formed  in 
St.  Petersburg  during  the  second  half  of  the  last  century, 
when  the  Ruthenian  national  revival  became  first  vigorous. 

It  was,  however,  strongly  risapproved  of  by  General 
Kuropatkin,  who,  when  Minister  of  War,  in  1900,  expressed 
himself  thus,  in  his  secret  report  to  the  Tsar: —  ^ 

“Galicia  has  grown  up  into  a  splendidly  entren¬ 
ched  camp,  connected  to  other  provinces  of  Austria- 
Hungary  by  numerous  roads  across  the  Carpathians... 
The  Austrian  War  department  has  succeeded  in  wor¬ 
king  wonders  in  preparing  the  probable  area  of 
operations  on  our  side  for  both  attack  and  defence. 
If  we  were  successful  in  war  against  Aiistria- 
Hungary....  there  would  then  recur  the  cry  for 
the  “rectification”  of  the  frontier.  The  Carpathian 
mountains  seem  formed  by  nature  for  a  boundary 
so  that  the  whole  of  Galicia  might  become  part  of 
Russia.  But  we  must  put  the  position  before  ourselves 
clearly  and  in  good  time.  Should  we  be  the  stronger 
for  such  an  annexation,  or  the  other  hand  should  we 
be  creating  a  source  of  weakness  and  anxiety  for 
ourselves?  Seventy  or  a  hundred  years  ago  a  transfer 
of  Galicia  might  very  likely  have  been  of  advantage, 
and  have  a'dded  to  our  strength...  But  now....  it 
could  be  only  torn  from  Austria  by  force  and  there¬ 
fore  unwillingly .  The  Ruthenians  of  Galicia  are 

not  anxious  to  become  Russian  subjects....  The 
Austrian  Slavs  are  in  no  real  need  of  our  help.  Every 
year  they  are  gaining  by  persistency  and  peaceful 
methods  more  and  more  civil  rights,  which  are 
j  gradually  placing  them  on  an  equality  with  the 


15 


16 


Germans  and  the  Hungarians....  The  peolple  of 
Galicia  consider  themselves  far  more  advenced  than 
their  Russian  neighbors.  In  their  opinion  it  would 
be  a  retrograde  step  to  become  Russian  subjects.... 
Joinetl  to  Russia,  Galicia  might  in  a  lesser  degree 
liecome  an  Alsace  Lorraine  for  us  just  as  Eastern 
Prussia  would  be!"* 

The  old  general  wrote  fourteen  years  ago,  when 
his  influence  was  at  its  height.  Since  then,  however,  his 
fame  suffered  such  lamentable  reverses  that  his  words  of 
warning  lost  all  their  weight  with  the  Russian  Nationalist 
politicians. 

On  the  other  hand  the  National  Movement  among 
the  Ruthenians  grew  so  strong  that  the  St.  Petersburg 
authoritative  circles  far  from  relaxing  in  their  ambitious 
designs,  decided  to  try  and  infuse  a  new  life  into  the 
somewhat  amateurish  intrigue  that  was  started  in  Galicia 
during  the  eighties  by  various  Russian  politicians. 

Count  V.  Bobrinsky,  a  member  of  the  Duma 
and  the  leader  of  the  Russ'aii  Nationalist  Party,  was  now 
selected  to  conduct  the  campaign.  A  descenant  of  Catherine 
the  Great,  a  man  closely  related  to  the  Russian  Court, 
an  ambitious  personality  —  he  seemed  “just  the  man  for 
the  job”. 

,,The  Bobrinsky  Campaign”,  as  it  came  to  be  known 
after,  began  with  the  convocation  of  the  Pan-Slav  Con¬ 
gress  in  Prague,  Bohemia.  Although,  oddly  enough  the 
only  language  in  which  the  delegates  of  the  brotherly 
Slav  nationalities  were  able  to  deliberate,  was  found  to 
be  German;  the  speeches  made  were  violently  pro-Russian 
and  anti-Austrian.  As  might  have  been  expected,  Russia 
was  declared  to  be  the  “protector  of  the  Slavonic  nations”. 
The  gruesome  fate  of  the  Slav  races  within  Russia,  I  need 
not  say,  was  not  alluded  to. 

The  Congress  took  place  in  igo8,  and  Count  V. 
Bobrinsky  one  of  its  chief  organizers,  after  its  termination, 
repaired  to  Galicia,  where  he  tried  to  make  concrete  the 
principles  proclaimed  in  Prague. 

Amply  supplied  with  funds,  the  Russian  emissary 
founded  two  journals  in  Lemberg,  the  capital  of  Austrian 
Ruthenia.  The  object  of  these  was  to  do  the  spade  work 
of  the  campaign.  As  the  population  were  not  sufficiently 

*  Quoted  in  “The  Russian  Army  and  the  Japanese  War’’. 
London,  1909,  pp.  52-55. 


17 


interested  in  the  contents  of  the  periodicals  to  purchase 
them,  they  were  distributed  gratuitously. 

Simultaneously,  Count  V.  Bobrinsky  undertook  to 
canvas  every  place  of  importance  in  Galicia,  East  Hun¬ 
gary  and  Bukovina,  with  the  view  of  making  inflamma¬ 
tory  speeches  against  Austria,  and  trying  to  influence 
the  population  in  Russia’s  favor. 

For  some  time  the  local  Austrian  officials  ignored 
this  propaganda :  being  mostly  Poles,  they  had  reasons 
of  their  own  for  not  appearing  to  take  it  seriously. 
Count  Bobrinsky’s  activities,  however,  aroused  the  hostility 
of  the  Ruthenians  themselves,  and  at  their  request  he  was 
at  last  expelled  by  the  authorities.  His  departure  was 
expedited  by  a  shower  of  rotten  eggs  and  other  missiles, 
considered  suitable  for  unpopular  politicians. 

Althoug  the  parent  was  expelled,  the  little  brood, 
consisting  of  a  small  „Russophile  group”  and  the  twin 
periodicals,  foster-nursed  by  Russian  funds,  managed  to 
survive  his  enforced  departure. 

To  this  day  they  continue  their  underhand  work,  in 
spite  of  repeated  protests  on  the  part  of  the  Ruthenians. 

How  is  it  that  so  dangerous  a  propaganda  was  al¬ 
lowed  to  take  root? 

We  have  already  mentioned  that  the  Austrian  offi¬ 
cials  in  Galicia  were  mostly  Poles.  Now,  the  Russians 
sought  their  protection  for  their  propaganda  work.  They 
represented  to  them  the  revival  of  the  Ruthenian  Nation 
as  dangerous,  not  only  from  the  Russian,  but  also  from 
the  Polish  point  of  view.  Themselves  the  originators  of 
the  final  downfall  of  the  Polish  Nation,  they  now  did 
not  think  it  beneath  their  dignity  to  appear  to  be  con¬ 
cerned  for  the  Polish  national  interests !  By  skilfully 
parading  before  their  eyes  the  “glorious  future”  that 
might  await  them  should  they  cast  in  their  forces  with 
Russia,  they  obtained  their  support  for  their  intrigue 
in  Galicia.  A  concession  of  rights  to  the  Polish  language 
and  the  promise  to  grant  self-government  in  Russia,  were 
among  the  tentatives  put  forward  by  the  Russians.  That 
they  proved  effective,  was  shown  on  innumerable  occa¬ 
sions  by  the  Russian,  Austrian,  German  and  French 
press. 

The  expulsion  of  Count  V.  Bobrinsky  from  Austria, 
far  from  arresting  his  dangerous  activities,  marked  the 
real  beginning  of  the  campaign.  The  Count  returned  home 


2 


—  ]8  — 

armed  with  first-hand  information  concerning  the  con¬ 
ditions  prevailing  in  the  Austro-Hungarian  Ruthenia, 
which  was  much  more  important  than  the  theoretical 
knowledge  possessed  by  the  Russian  polit'.cians  hitherto. 
He  at  once  proceeded  to  form  “The  Russo-Galician 
Society”  in  St.  Petersburg,  the  aim  of  which  was  to 
establish  a  Russian  base  for  the  operations ;  until  thea 
wanting.  In  Galicia  itself  it  was  decided  to  proceed  vi/ith 
the  work  cautiously  and  without  noise. 

While  it  was  left  to  the  two  Lemberg  journals  to 
discredit  systematically  in  the  eyes  of  the  reading  public, 
the  foreign  policy  of  Austria,  by  applying  to  it  the  Mus¬ 
covite  “Pan-Slav”  yard-measure,  the  propaganda  among 
the  illiterate  peasants  was  concealed  under  a  religious 
cloak. 

Nine-tenths  of  the  Ruthenians  in  Austria-Hungary 
belong  to  the  G  r  e  e  k-C  a  t  h  o  1  i  c,  or  Uniate  Church, 
that  was  once  spread  over  much  larger  portion  of  the 
native  territory  than  Galicia  and  Eastern  Hungary  to 
which  it  is  confined  now,  but  has  since  been  extermi¬ 
nated  in  Russia,  brutally  and  replaced  by  the  Russian 
official  Religion.  The  history  of  Ruthenian  “Unia”,  this 
undoubtedly  the  most  striking  attempt  to  bring  about 
the  union  of  the  Eastern  and  Western  Christianity,  is 
full  of  absorbing  interest,  and  it  accredits  the  Ruthenians 
with  one  more  spiritual  achievement  of  world-wide 
import,  in  addition  to  their  splendid  work  in  other 
directions. 

The  Ruthenian  Greek-Catholic  Church,  although  it 
employs,  in  common  with  the  Orthodox,  the  Eastern  Rite, 
in  dogma  is  at  one  with  the  Church  of  Rome ;  in  fact, 
it  constitutes  the  “golden  mean”  between  the  two  chur¬ 
ches  :  it  preserves  the  marriage  of  the  clergy,  yet  is  subject 
to  the  Pope. 

As  the  majority  of  the  Ruthenians  in  Austria- 
Hungary  —  some  eigthy  per  cent,  of  them  —  are  peasants, 
it  is  the  ritual  side,  not  the  dogmatic  that  frequently 
matters  most.  Count  V.  Bobrinsky  and  his  colleagues  took 
this  circumstance  fully  into  account  and  conceived  a 
scheme  for  disguising  their  political  aims  under  the  form 
of  proselitizing,  on  behalf  of  the  Russian  Orthodox  Faith. 

We  wish  to  lay  stress  upon  the  word  “Russian” 
for  a  great  number  of  Ruthenians  in  Austria  (about 
400.000),  without  being  Russian  Orthodox,  still  belong  to 
the  Orthodox  Faith.  The  fact  that  they  do  not  recognize 


19 


the  supremacy  of  the  Holy  Synod  does  not  alter  the 
position.  With  its  complete  subjugat'on  to  the  lay  autho¬ 
rities,  Russian  Orthodoxy,  better  designated  as  Muscovite, 
has  been  always  and  justly,  looked  upon  in  Russia  and 
elsewhere  as  the  vehicle  of  the  Imperial  Idea.  To  spread 
its  influence  among  the  Ruthenians  of  Austria-Hungary, 
would  in  itself  mean  to  win  them  over  to  the  Russian 
side,  politically.  As  will  be  seen,  however,  the  agitators 
did  not  mean  to  confine  themselves  to  the  propaganda  of 
Russian  Orthodoxy  as  such,  and  to  trust  in  its  automatic 
effectiveness  in  the  desired  sence,  but  used  it  only  as  a 
cover  for  an  openly  treasonable  work. 

Exploiting  the  identity  of  the  ritual,  they  contrived 
to  effect  some  conversions  among  the  illiterate  peasants  of 
the  remote,  mountainous  regions  where  they  for  the  most 
part,  centred  their  work,  although  even  here  none  of  the 
conversions  were  genuine. 

The  Bishop  Antonius,  of  the  neighboring  Volhynia 
(a  Ruthenian  province  in  Russia),  a  close  associate  of 
Count  Bobrinsky,  proclaimed  himself  the  Orthodox  Bishop 
of  Galicia,  and  took  good  care  that  the  converts  were 
well  supplied  with  Russian  priests.  These  were  turned 
out  in  quantities.  Any  couple  of  dozen  converted  Galicians 
were  entitled  to  an  Orthodox  priest  —  all  to  themselves. 
Galician  youths  taken  abroad,  and  gratuitously  trained, 
under  Russian  supervision,  for  the  priesthood.  Churches 
were  built  by  Russian  moneys.  Their  children  during 
school  years  were  offered  free  board  and  lodging  in 
specially  established  Russian  hostels  in  Galicia.  A  brood 
of  national  renegades,  instructed  in  Russian  official  reli¬ 
gion  and  stuffed  with  its  political  teaching,  was  carefully 
reared. 

The  Russian  Rouble  was  an  efficient  bearer  of  the 
popularity  of  the  ruler,  whose  image  was  struck  upon 
it.  The  illiterate  peasants  of  the  Carpathian  Highlands 
were  taught  that  the  portrait  on  the  coins  was  that  of 
the  Ruthenian  Tsar  —  the  Head  of  the  Orthodox 
Church!  In  the  prayer  books  spread  by  the  Russian 
“missionaries”  the  prayer  for  the  Tsar,^is  family,  army, 
and  the  State,  occupied  a  prominent  place.  To  make  this 
“religious  propaganda”  at  all  effective,  the  Russians 
studiously  concealed  the  fact  that  there  existed  great 
dissatisfaction  among  the  Orthodox  Ruthenians  of  Russia 
with  the  Russian  official  Church  that  replaced  the  ancient 
native  Orthodoxy.  They  also  avoided  mention  of  the  per- 


20 


secution  the  Ruthenians  had  to  endure  in  Russia  from 
the  national  point  of  view. 

The  sale  of  Russian  prayer  books,  as  well  as  any 
other  help  to  the  spread  of  the  Russian  Church,  was 
made  very  remunerative.  In  fact,  as  was  disclosed  during 
the  recent  trial  in  Hungary*,  there  were  hardly  any 
“conversions”  at  all  that  were  not  due  to  pecuniary 
considerations  of  some  sort  or  other. 

Pilgrimages  (subsidized  by  Russia)  to  the  Holy 
places  in  the  Empire,  were  one  of  methods  for  bringing 
the  Galician  recruits  of  Russia  into  periodical  touch 
with  the  leaders  of  the  movement**. 

The  method  described  above  —  that  of  “religious 
propaganda”,  as  before  mentioned,  was  intended  exclu¬ 
sively  for  the  illiterate,  who  could  be  deceived  by  the 
externals,  while  overlooking  the  substance.  For  the  people 
who  could  not  be  led  astray  by  so  thin  a  disguise,  yet 
being  capable  of  serving  a  foreign  Power,  needed  but  an 
excuse  for  compromising  with  their  loyalty,  the  openly 
political  “Pa  n-S  lav”  propaganda  of  the  two 
newspapers  of  Count  Bobrinsky  served. 

They  had  on  their  staff  special  emissaries  of  the 
Russo-Galician  Society  of  St.  Petersburg,  by  which  they 
were  led.  Day  by  day,  for  a  period  of  six  years,  they 
worked  to  undermine  the  prestige  of  the  lawful 
Government  in  Galicia.  For  this  purpose  they  exploited 
the  misrule  prevailling  there,  owing  to  the  fact  that  the 
administration  of  that  province  was  entrusted  to  the 
Austrian  Poles.  Every  manifestation  of  oppression,  in¬ 
justice,  disorder,  or  lack  of  discipline  on  the  part  of  the 
Poles  —  and  such  were  found  in  plenty  —  was  explained 
to  the  readers  as  the  sign  of  the  Austrian  decay  and 
rottenness.  At  the  same  time  the  existing  disgraceful 
state  of  affairs  in  Russia,  was  extolled  as  nearly  perfect. 

So  far  in  this  Fttle  exposition  of  Russian  campaign 
we  have  only  scratched  the  surface.  Both  the  „Orthodox 
missionary”  propaganda  and  the  frankly  political  “Pan- 
Slav”  agitation  of  the  two  Bobrinsky  journals  were  but 

*  Tlie  so-called  “Ruthenian  Treason  Trial”  (commenced  on 
December  29th,  1913,  and  ended  March  3rd,  1914)  of  the  eighty 
victims  of  the  Russian  propaganda.  No  fewer  than  247  witnesses  were 
summoned,  among  them  Count  V.  Bobrinsky. 

**  Thus  for  example,  a  report  in  the  Demberg  “Dilo”  (Au¬ 
gust  1st,  1913)  describes  how  a  party  of  Galician  “pilgrims”  was 
ceremoniously  met  at  the  station  in  Kiev,  and  received  in  person  by 
the  Governor-General  of  the  Province. 


Tk  t.  I’CA/Cit'o -L^  m.OAL<-£L 

mil  UKRMNE 


23 


two  air-shafts,  by  which  the  secret  Russian  political 
intrigue  could  ventilate  its  design.  Beneath  the  surface 
of  things  there  existed  a  much  more  serious  machinery. 
A  regular  conspiracy  for  the  overthrow  of  the  Austro- 
Hungarian  rule  in  Galicia  and  converting  it  into  a  Russian 
“Government”,  was  actively  at  work. 

A  certain  Yantchevetsky,  sent  ot  Lemberg  from  St. 
Petersburg,  superintended  the  secret  operations  on  the 
spot;  at  the  same  time,  the  ground  was  carefully  prepared 
for  clever  international  move.  While  Count  V.  Bobrinsky 
continued  to  be  responsible  for  the  general  management  of 
the  affair,  his  link  with  the  Government  and  the  “secret 
fund”  became  even  more  intimate  than  hitherto.  The 
entire  Nationalist  Press  was  now  at  his  disposal.  Some 
account  of  the  huge  sums  of  money  expended  by  him 
upon  the  Galician  undertaking,  was  given  sporadically  by 
Russian,  German,  Austrian,  and  English  press*. 

The  said  Yantchevetsky,  the  representative  of  Count 
V.  Bobrinsky  in  Galicia,  deserves  a  few  words  to  him¬ 
self.  He  received  his  political  training  in  Persia,  during 
the  period  of  the  Russian  activities  there,  which  was 
terminated  by  the  bombardment  of  the  Persian  Parliament. 
M.  Yantchevetsky ’s  official  capacity  in  Persia  was  that  of 
correspondent  to  the  St.  Petersburg  “N  ovoye  Vre- 
m  y  a”.  In  the  same  capacity  he  arrived  in  19 lo  in  Lem¬ 
berg,  where  the  present  .  writer  had  an  opportunity  of 
observing  that  gentleman’s  “journalistic”  occupation. 
Without  going  into  further  detail,  it  may  be  sufficient  to 
mention  that  people  are  known  to  the  writer  personally, 
whom  the  Russian  Nationalist  agent  tried  to  bribe  into 
the  service  of  the  Galician  plot  by  offers  of  large  sums 
of  money. 

As  disclosed  by  a  few  chance  arrests  affected  du¬ 
ring  1911  in  Lemberg**,  a  vast  secret  organization  for 
photographing  fortresses,  bridges  and  roadways,  as  well  as 
for  collecting  any  other  useful  military  information  existed 
in  the  Austrian  part  of  Ruthenia.  This  organisation 
formed  as  it  were  a  back  room  of  the  Russian  Orthodox 
Missionary  Show.  When  its  roots  and  ramifications  were 
pursued,  it  was  found  to  be  minutely  regulated  and 
directly  guided  from  St.  Petersburg.  Its  inner  connection 

*  For  one  of  the  latest  references  see  “The  Daily  Tele¬ 
graph”,  March  10th,  1914. 

“The  Treason  Trial”  begun  on  March  9th  in  Lemberg,  is 
based  upon  the  evidence  produced  by  these  arrests. 


24 


with  “The  Russo-Galician  Society”  was  beyond  doubt, 
and  its  subordination  to  Count  Bobrinsky  was  evident. 
As  later  certified  by  a  witness  at  the  Trial  in  Marmaros 
Sziget  (in  Hungary)  Count  Bobrinsky  was  wont  to  de¬ 
clare  in  presence  of  his  followers  that  Russia  would  not 
demobilize  before  the  Russian  flag  waved  over  the 
Carpathians"'. 

Seeing  themselves  seriously  threatened,  the  autho- 
rites  of  Austria-Hungary  ordered  a  number  of  domiciliary 
searches  and  arrests  among  the  persons  involved  in  the 
“Orthodox”  business  (1912).  A  mass  of  illuminating 
evidence  —  much  more  than  was  anticipated  —  was 
brought  to  light.  The  Russian  plot  was  more  than  an 
extraordinary  spy-affair.  S  t  o  r  e-h  ouses  of  Russian 
flags  were  discovered ;  plans  for  capturing  ma- 
yoralities  and  other  municipal  buildings  were  seized. 

Even  that  was  not  all.  At  the  first  news  of  arrests 
in  the  Austrian  Ruthenia  an  alarm  bell  sounded  abroad, 
and  a  cry  pierced  the  political  air  of  Europe  —  a  shriek 
complaining  of  “R  eligious  Persecution  in 
G  a  1  i  c  i  a”. 

The  first  clarion  to  resound  that  cry  was  the  London 
“T  i  m  e  s”.  In  its  columns  eppeared  a  long  letter  of  Count 
Bobrinski  himself*''',  who  in  a  masterly  fashion  approached 
the  British  want  of  knowledge  in  everything  pertaining  to 
the  history  and  the  actual  position  of  the  East  of  Europe. 
The  Count  spoke  of  “Russian  peasants  in  Galicia”;  he 
asserted  that  Galicia  played  a  prominent  part  in  the 
early  Muscovite  history,  and  he  substituted  “Russian” 
for  “Ruthenian”  as  much  and  as  often  as  he  liked.  He 
felt  that  nobody  would  question  his  accuracy  in  England. 
The  statements  he  made  were  the  wildest  ever  flung 
into  the  face  of  a  deluded  public.  But  the  main  contention 
of  the  conductor  of  the  Russo-Galician  plot  was  to  con¬ 
vince  the  British  public  that  a  dreadful  persecution  of 
the  Russian  ( !)  co-nationals  and  the  Orthodox  faith  was 
taking  place  in  Austria,  and  that  Russian  inter¬ 
vention,  if  not  absolutely  imminent,  could  not  be 
withheld  long.  The  Russian  feeling  was  outraged;  Au¬ 
stria  was  worse  than  Turkey;  the  position  of  Galicia 
was  nearly  as  bad  as  that  of  Macedonia,  etc.,  a  d 
nauseam.  Other  newspapers  in  England  and  France 

*  Rep.  in  “The  Times“,  February  7tli,  1914  (the  dispatch 
from  Vienna). 

**  Issue  of  April  10th,  1912. 


25 


gave  a  wide  circulation  to  the  Russian  mis-statements, 
and  the  Western  World  was  expected  to  swallow  a 
numebr  of  most  atrocious  lies.  Were  the  Russian  con¬ 
spirators  successful  in  imposing  their  misrepresentations 
upon  the  public  mind?  They  were.  They  succeeded  in  so 
completely  mesmerizing  the  English  and  French  Press 
that  when  a  few  weeks  later  the  Ruthenians  protested 
against  the  Russian  falsehoods,  these  were  supported  by 
the  Russian  journalistic  friends  abroad. 

An  Englishman  went  specially  to  Galicia,  where  he 
visited,  in  company  with  agents  of  Count  Bobrinsky,  the 
places  affected  by  the  Russian  agitation;  he  issued  a 
pamphlet  on  his  return  to  England,  in  which  he  faith¬ 
fully  supported  his  Russian  friends*. 

Simultaneously  in  France,  the  same  misrepresen¬ 
tation  gained  credence.  In  Germany  alone,  where  the 
knowledge  of  Russian  and  Ruthenian  affairs  was  in¬ 
comparably  more  thorough  than  in  the  West,  a  fairly 
correct  view  of  the  whole  affair  was  taken. 

Further  attempts  on  the  part  of  Ruthenians  to 
protest  against  the  Russian  impositions,  met  with  a 
hostile  reception  in  the  Press  of  the  Western  countries; 
this  was  already  sufficiently  attuned  to  the  requirements 
of  the  Russian  Nationalism. 

The  unbiased  voices  were  refused  a  hearing  by  the 
leading  ‘press.  They  were  completely  silenced  when  a 
few  weeks  later  the  chief  organs,  undoubtedly  to  the 
huge  enjoyment  of  the  Russians,  opened  an  attack  of 
their  own  planning  on  the  destruction  of  things  hated 
by  Russia. 

The  position  remained  more  or  less  stationary  in 
the  condition  described  above,  till  the  autumn  and 
winter,  1912 — 1913,  when  the  Balkan  crisis  and  the 
general  European  tension  reached  their  climax.  Then  it 
was  evidently  decided  in  St.  Petersburg  to  give  a  fresh 
stimulus  to  the  intrigue  in  Galicia.  The  Russian  Natio¬ 
nalists  openly  agitated  for  war  with  Austria,  and  their 
papers  were  full  of  incitement  and  provocation. 

The  chief  object  of  war  with  Austria,  according  to 
the  press,  which  no  longer  concealed  the  hidden  desires 
of  the  Russian  heart,  was  to  possess  Galicia.  While  every 
description  of  organ  and  public  speaker,  tried  by  their 

*  The  pamphlet  was  sul)sequently  publiched  in  Russian,  by 
the  Holy  Synod  (see  the  report  on  it  in  the  Kiey  “Rada’’,  .August 
16th,  1913)1 


26 


speeches  and  utterances  to  “mobilize  the  Russian  spirit” 
and  create  a  popular  enthusiasm  for  the  “War  of  Libera¬ 
tion  of  Galicia”,  the  secret  agents  of  Count  Bobrinsky  in 
Austrian  Ruthenia  —  under  protection  of  the  Poles  — 
worked  feverishly  preparing  for  the  Russian  occupation. 

We  do  not  speak  of  such  trivial  things  as  spies; 
these  have  since  long  become  a  common  occurrence  in 
Galicia.  Even  though  their  number  was  now  increased 
enormously,  it  created  very  little  excitement  among  the 
well-versed  Galicians.  The  general  bolstering  up  of 
Russian  work  during  the  war  rumors,  was,  however, 
marked  by  some  new  and  extremely  interesting  features. 

Nearly  every  village  of  Galicia,  Bukovina  and 
Eastern  Hungary  was  honored  by  mysterious  visitors, 
who  whispered  to  the  peasants  that  invasion  by  the 
“Ruthenian”  Tsar  was  imminent.  The  population  was 
invited  to  meet  the  invader  with  signs  of  honor.  The 
invader,  it  was  assured,  would  take  all  the  land  from 
the  landlords,  and  give  it  to  the  peasants.  They  would 
be  allowed  to  destroy  all  the  Jews  “as  oppressors  of  the 
people”.  The  “Ruthenian”  Tsar  was  an  anti-Jewish,  pro¬ 
peasant,  ruler*. 

So  active  was  this  propaganda  among  the  peasants, 
that  cases  of  refusal  to  pay  debts  to  the  Jews,  and  of 
miniature  “pogroms”  were  recorded  almost  every  day 
by  the  press. 

The  organized  Russian  alarms  took  many  different 
forms.  Thus,  to  remember  one  more  that  was  fairly 
common  in  those  days  when  the  outbreak  of  hostilities 
was  believed  to  be  possible  almost  at  any  moment,  the 
Russian  agents  told  the  peasants  that  the  Austrian  Em¬ 
peror  had  decided  to  abandon  Galicia  to  its  fate,  and 
was  not  going  to  defend  the  population  against  the 
enemy.  The  conclusion  that  was  expected  to  be  drawn 
from  these  rumors  by  the  peasants,  was  that  they  should 
for  their  own  safety  give  themselves  up  body  and  soul, 
to  the  Russians  when  they  arrived. 

The  acute  tension  of  1912 — 1913  has  passed,  but 
the  pressure  of  the  Russian  conspiracy  upon  the  Austrian 
Ruthenians  has  not  been  relieved.  The  solemn  declaration 
of  the  Ruthenian  Political  Council  which  took  place  at 
the  he.ght  of  the  crisis,  to  the  effect  that  they  were 
determined  to  stand  firmly  by  the  side  of  Austria  as  the 
Power  where  their  national  aspirations  were  benevolently 

*  Comp,  e.g  ,  the  Ivemberg  “Dilo”,  N.  271  (1912). 


27 


treated,  hopelessly  stuck  in  the  ears  of  the  Russians,  who 
clamored  for  Galicia  with  an  increasing  howl.  If  it 
was  left  to  Austria  —  they  argued  —  it  would  become 
a  nucleus  of  the  revived  Ukraine  State,  which  would 
tend  to  attract  to  itself  the  parts  of  Ruthenian  territory 
now  under  Russia. 

The  concessions  of  the  Vienna  Government  to  the 
Ruthenian  demands  for  the  establishment  of  a  Ruthenian 
University  in  Lemberg  and  the  electoral  reform  to  the 
Diet  of  Galicia,  hitherto  dominated  by  the  Poles,  although 
in  no  wise  exceeding  similar  concessions  to  other  races 
inhabiting  the  Empire,  were  invariably  interpreted  by 
the  Russian  conspirators  to  the  Western  Europeans  as 
“attempts  on  the  part  of  Austria  to  create  difficulties  in 
the  Russian  path”.  The  whole  Ruthenian  National  Re¬ 
vival,  whose  birthplace  was  Russia,  was  represented  as 
an  “Austrian  Intrigue”!  To  make  this  ridiculous  bogey 
even  more  dreadful  in  the  eyes  of  the  English  and  the 
French  who  might  be  disquieted  by  the  rise  of  the  Ru¬ 
thenian  Problem,  this  “Austrian  Intrigue”  was  proclaimed 
to  be  an  “Austro-German  Intrigue”.  If  to-morrow  it 
was  found  expedient  to  call  it  “an  Indo-Chinese  Intrigue”, 
we  have  not  a  slightest  doubt  that  it  would  be  so  named. 
We  do  not  doubt  even  that  many  people  wauld  be  found 
who  would  believe  it,  although  not  a  single  proof  were 
given  to  substantiate  the  assertion. 

While  the  Kaiser  was  approached  and  entreated  to 
intervene  in  favor  of  an  anti-Ruthenian  policy  by  Au¬ 
stria,  as  far  back  as  summer  of  1912,  and  this  question 
was  said  to  have  formed  the  subject  of  the  famous  auto¬ 
graph  correspondence  between  the  Tsar  and  the  Emperor 
of  Austria  in  January,  1913,  M.  Shebeko,  the  Russian 
ambassador  in  Vienna,  appointed  there  last  year,  seemed 
to  have  been  charged  with  a  special  mission  of  bringing 
about  the  change  in  the  Austrian  policy  regarding  the 
Ruthenian  National  Revival.  The  crushing  out  of  the 
Movement  was  named  as  the  price  of  Russo-Austrian 
rapprochement.  To  facilitate  the  task  of  M.  Shebeko, 
the  Russian  hirelings  in  the  Western  European  press 
with  a  renewed  vigor,  perpetrated  the  Russian  con¬ 
coctions  concerning  the  history  and  the  present  state 
of  the  Austrian  Ruthenia.  With  the  usual  hypocrisy  this 
was  described  as  a  country  which  once  formed  a  part 
of  the  Russian  Empire,  and  was  to  this  day  populated  by 
a  branch  of  „Russian”  people. 


28 


While  such  were  the  activities  abroad  the  represen¬ 
tatives  of  Count  Bobrinsky  in  Galicia  itself  were  obeying 
the  supreme  command  of  the  hand  that  so  skilfully  ma¬ 
nipulated  the  whole  affair  from  St.  Petersburg;  in  carrying 
out  details  of  the  design,  they  were  now  modestly 
petitioning  the  Vienna  Government  that  the  Russian 
language  might  be  recognized  in  Galicia  on  an  equal 
footing  with  Ruthenian! 

“Show  them  (the  Ruthenians)  the  teeth  of  the 
wolf,  and  the  tail  of  the  fox”  said  once  Catherine  the 
Great  to  her  Minister.  No  doubt.  Count  Bobrinsky  has 
issued  the  same  sort  of  order  to  his  ambassadors  in 
Galicia. 

To  lure  Austria  into  the  recognition  of  the  Russian 
language  on  equal  footing  with  the  Ruthenian  would 
mean  to  sanction  the  Russian  historical  misconstruction, 
on  which  they  base  their  pretentions  concerning  the 
Austrian  parts  of  Ruthenia.  There  would  be  then  no 
difficulty  in  making  anybody  believe  that  Galicia  should 
belong  to  Russia  as  a  part  of  the  „Russian”  territory 
left  outside  the  borders  of  the  Empire.  For  who  would 
understand  that  Russian  is  a  language  as  foreign  to  a 
Ruthenian,  as  French  is  to  an  Italian?  A  race  that 
is  fighting  for  recognition,  like  the  Ruthenians,  and  which 
as  yet  has  not  obtained  it  is  practically  debarred  from  any 
means  of  furthering  its  own  point  of  view  in  this  merce¬ 
nary  world.  In  every  direction  it  is  confronted  by  some 
strong  body  —  political,  financial  or  other  —  whose 
interests  are  found  to  be  injured  by  its  revival.  While 
it  usually  lacks  the  chief  prop  of  modern  times  —  money 
—  its  opponents  can  draw  upon  the  secret  service  funds: 
all  the  means  or  influence  —  the  press,  the  parliaments, 
etc.  —  are  at  the  disposal  of  the  highest  bidder.  In  this 
auction  it  is  left  in  the  cold.  Any  absurd  invention  jotted 
down  by  a  hired  reporter  and  circulated  in  the  press, 
will  serve  as  a  “weighty  argument”  against  its  national 
recognition. 

To  admit  for  a  single  day  the  equality  of  Russian 
with  Ruthenian  in  Galicia,  would  stamp  this  province 
for  fifty  years  as  a  “Russian  country”.  The  Russian 
secret  fund  would  see  to  that. 

We  are  glad  to  say  that,  as  is  rumored,  the  Vienna 
Government  were  not  persuaded  to  accede  to  the  impudent 
suggestions  of  the  Russian  ambassador.  The  result  of 


29 


this  was  that  the  Russians  seem  to  have  been  flung  back 
upon  the  plan  of  a  military  aggression,  pure  and  simple. 

Russian  war  preparations  on  an  unusually 
large  scale  are  reported  by  the  press  throughout  the 
world..  It  must  be,  however,  borne  in  mind  that  since 
1913,  the  strictest  censorship  of  news  pertaining  to  mi¬ 
litary  matters,  is  enforced  in  Russia,  and  that  only 
fragments  of  information  are  allowed  to  find  their  way 
into  the  press. 

Certain  facts,  however,  could  net  be  concealed,  and 
it  is  generally  known  now  that  Russian  Nationalism 
A  has  embarked  upon  an  extensive  military  programme  to 

*  be  concluded  in  August,  1917.  The  realization  of  this 

programme,  made  possible  through  the  financial  aid  of 
France,  is  expected  to  enable  Russia  to  carry  a  successful 
offensive  into  the  territory  of  her  Western  neighbors. 

Now,  there  is  little  doubt  which  of  the  three  Western 
neighbors  of  Russia  is  especially  aimed  at. 

Although  Russian  hostility  towards  the  Swedes  is 
incontestable,  it  is  not  they,  nor  the  Germans,  that  are 
the  main  object  of  the  Russian  military  preparations. 

The  disposition  of  the  troops,  and  the  direction  of 
the  new  lines  of  railways,  feverishly  constructed,  make 
it  an  open  secret  that  Russia  contemplates  an  attak  upon 
the  Empire  of  the  Hapsburgs,  namely,  that  part  of  it 
which  is  populated  by  the  Ruthenians  —  Galicia,  Buko- 
vina,  and  Eastern  Hungary*. 

Even  while  we  are  writing  these  lines  an  increase 
of  30%  on  the  previous  military  budget  is  voted  by  the 
Duma,  and  a  rumor  is  abroad  that  a  “test  mobilization” 
has  been  decided  upon  in  the  south-western  (that  is,  in 
the  Ruthenian)  part  of  the  Empire,  close  to  the  Austrian 

*  In  this  connection  the  following'  quotation  from  an  article  on 
the  Tercentenar}-  of  Romanoffs,  published  in  “The  Daily  Tele¬ 
graph”  (March  10,  1913),  may  he  of  interest:  “I  may  here  mention”, 
says  the  St.  Petersburg  correspondent  of  the  journal,  “that  three  days 
ago,  the  one  British  authority  on  the  religious  persecution  of  Russians 
in  Galicia,  and  also  on  the  Russian  Church  in  general,  Mr.  J.  W. 
Birkbeck,  who  has  come  here  to  attend  the  jubilee  festivities,  was  given 
a  dinner  by  members  of  the  Duma  and  prominent  politicians,  in 
honor  of  his  recent  investigations  into  the  suliject  on  the  spot.  Russia, 
it  is  stated,  will  be  satisfied  if  before  the  advent  of  the  next  tercen¬ 
tenary  her  frontiers  rest  on  the  Nieman  Carpathians,  and  her  egress 
from  the  Black  Sea  is  freed  from  all  external  control.  The  last  word 
of  Russia  in  Kuropean  Blast  is  the  emancipation  of  the  Black  Sea,  and 
it  is  bitterly  regretted  by  the  Nationalists  that  the  most  favorable 
opportunity  presented  by  the  Balkan  war  for  the  realization  of  this 
necessity  has  been  completely  missed  by  timid  Rus.sian  diplomacy”. 


30 


frontier,  at  the  cost  of  £10,500.000.  Before  we  are  much 
older,  we  shall  probably  see  one  of  these  “test  mobilisa¬ 
tions”  turn  into  a  real  danger  to  European  peace. 

The  territor}^  of  Ruthenia,  in  Austria  and  Russia, 
has  been  already  long  since  designated  as  the  future 
theatre  of  war.  The  French  military  authorities  call  it  “the 
secondary  theatre”,  secondary  to  the  plains  of  north¬ 
west  Russia  and  East  Prussia,  where  the  French  see  in 
their  fiery  dreams  the  attack  of  the  Russians  upon  the' 
German  rear'-.  To  the  French,  who  are  naturally  anxious 
in  the  first  place  for  their  own  welfare,  the  imaginary 
Russo-German  conflict,  so  strongly  desired  by  them,  is 
the  “primary”  affairs.  The  appearance  of  things  seems, 
however,  entirely  different  when  contemplated  from  the 
Russian  stand-point. 

Russia  cannot  afford  to  quarrel  with  Germany  and 
Austria  at  the  same  time.  In  fact,  she  cannot  afford  to 
quarrel  with  Germany  alone.  In  comparison  with  the 
Austrians,  her  position  seems  to  be  fairer.  Without  too 
much  illusion,  Russia  may  be  regarded  as  a  fair  match 
for  Austria.  Should  France  engage  Germany’s  attention 
so  thoroughly  that  she  would  be  prevented  from  assisting 
her  ally  an  opportune  moment  for  a  war  with  Austria 
would  arrive.  Although  risking  her  own  integrity,  Russia 
might  then  try,  with  about  50  per  cent,  of  chances  for  suc¬ 
cess  to  wring  from  Austria  those  provinces  further  political 
development  of  which  would  threaten  the  hegemony  of 
the  Muscovite  race. 

It  is  quite  clear  that  things  are  developing  in  that 
directions.  The  London  “T  i  m  e  s”  two  years  ago  said 
that  the  Ruthenian  Question  was,  at  least  potentially, 
one  of  the  gravest  questions  of  Europe.  And  Mr.  H.  Steed, 
the  author  of  a  recent  book  upon  the  Austro-Hungarian 
politics,  expressed  the  opinion  that  the  Ruthenian  Question 
may  involve  Austria-Hungary  and  Russia  in  a  struggle, 
even  if  it  does  not  precipitate  a  general  European  con¬ 
flagration.  Mr.  Steed  only  reiterated  what  has  been  for 
years  a  common  belief  in  Ruthenia  itself,  where  the  grave 
developments,  to  this  day  not  fully  realized  in  the  West, 
were  perfectly  visible**. 

*  See  e.g.  “L,a  France  victorieuse  dans  la  guerre  de  deniain”. 
—  Paris,  1912. 

**  Their  importance  was  hidden  from  the  Western  eye  by  orga¬ 
nized  Russian  efforts;  one  of  the  means  of  confusing  the  issue  was  to 
confound  it  with  the  religious,  linguistic,  and  other  side  problems. 

I 


31 


An  anonymous  writer  in  the  “M  orning  Post” 
(June  2ist,  1913),  in  these  words  described  the  situation 
in  the  South-Eastern  corner  of  Europe : — 

“The  Austrian  Poles  think  that  the  gradual 
loss  of  influence  in  Galicia  will  compel  them  to 
consider  whether  their  interests  are  as  identical  with 
those  of  Austria,  as  tliey  have  hitherto  supposed. 
On  the  other  hand,  it  is  a  question  whether  Russia 
would  be  indifl’erent  to  th.e  growth  of  Ruthenian 
influence  and  to  the  development  of  Eastern  Galicia 
into  the  nucleus  for  a  future  "Ukraine"  State.  A 
completely  Ruthenian  Ihiiversitv  and  a  completely 
Ruthenian  Diet  might  become  centres  of  attraction 
for  the  Ruthenians,  or  Little  Russians  of  Russia, 
dhe  Poles  believe  that  the  “Ukraine"  movement  is 
bound  to  lead  sooner  or  later  to  war  between  Austria 
and  Russia,  and  many  of  them  think  that  this  war 
will  decide  the  fate  of  Poland.  If  Austria  were 
victorious  the  whole  “Ukraine"*  might  be  annexed 
to  Austria,  while  Russian  Poland,  and  perhaps  \\  est 
Galicia,  would  l)e  taken  by  Prussia,  as  compensation 
for  the  increase  of  Austrian  territory.  If  Austria  were 
beaten  she  would  probably  lose  the  whole  of  Galicia 
to  Russia,  who  would  make  a  new  “Government"  of 
the  Eastern  portion,  and  include  the  W  estern  portion 
in  Russian  Poland.  There  is  a  third  possibility,  which 
is  (jccupying  the  minds  of  many  Poles  in  Russia, 
f’russia  and  Austria  —  that  Russia  and  Germany 
may  one  day  agree  to  divide  between  themselves 
parts  of  Austrian  territory  more  extensive  than  Ga¬ 
licia.  This  would  be  th.e  partition  of  the  Austrian 
Empire,  a  partition  often  said  to  be  inevitable.  Put 
those  who  predict  it  usually  leave  the  vitality  of 
Austria  herself  out  of  their  reckoning.  The  next  ten 
years  may  be  a  very  important  period  for  all  the 
three  Empires  which  took  part  in  the  division  of 

*  The  inverted  coinnuis  beloiijj  to  the  writer  of  “The  Mor¬ 
ning  Post”,  who  evidently  is  misled  by  Russian  suggestion  to  the 
effect  that  the  name  Ukraine  is  of  recent  and  artificial  origin.  W’e 
need  hardly  say  that  this  point  of  view  is  entirely  false.  The  origin 
of  the  name  by  which  our  country  is  rightly  designated,  can  be  traced 
to  at  least  as  far  back  ac  the  12th  century.  .V.  French  writer  of  great 
repute,  derived  it  from  the  Latin  .\cheronia,  the  term  that  has 
been  aplied  to  it  by  the  Romans.  To  the  Plnglish  literature  the  name 
is  known  from  at  least  as  early  as  the  17th  century,  and  mai)s  from 
that  period  showing  tlie  exact  extent  of  the  countr}’  can  be  seen  in 
the  British  Museum. 


32 


Poland,  and  may  once  more  show  that  there  is  an 
imminent  justice  in  the  History,  from  which  even 
the  most  powerful  empires  cannot  escape”. 

While  the  period  of  ten  years  may  appear  short 
enough  to  a  foreign  observer,  a  Ruthenian  cannot  help 
thinking  that  the  hour  of  reckoning  is  at  hand.  Before 
two  or  three  years  are  over,  we  may  hear  the  trumpets 
sound  and  armies  march  to  war.  In  fact,  rarely  a  month 
passes  nowadays  that  at  some  period  of  it  or  another,  a 
cloud  of  bloody  struggle  does  not  darken  the  horizon 
in  Ukraine.  The  population  live  in  constant  expectation, 
of  an  outbreak  of  hostilities.  Trade  and  commerce  are 
crippled,  and  foreign  credit  dead.  The  people’s  minds  are 
turning  to  different  problems,  their  moods  to  different 
tunes.  With  Shakespeare  the  Ruthenians  could  say  that — 
‘‘Come  what  come  may. 

Time  and  the  hour  runs  through  the  roughest  day  1”^ 

To  them  the  coming  Austro-Russian  conflict  means 
very  much.  It  means  the  burning  of  their  villages,  the 
destruction  of  their  cities;  it  means  the  turning  of  their 
beautiful  fertile  land  into  a  temporary  desert. 

It  means  the  utter  disorganization  of  their  economic 
life  for  a  long  period  of  years  before,  during,  and  after 
the  war. 

It  means  also  large  sacrifices  in  men.  As  Russian 
and  Austrian  soldiers  they  will  march  against  each  other, 
and  thousands  of  them,  hundreds  of  thousands,  will  lay 
their  lives  on  the  altar  of  the  Moloch  of  War. 

Thousands  more  will  suffer  death,  mutilation,  and 
assault  at  the  hand  of  invading  soldiery. 

Can  it  be  wondered,  that  they  await  the  develop¬ 
ment  of  events  with  the  greatest  apprehension? 

But  the  coming  struggle  means  much  more  to 
them  than  simply  their  sufferings,  as  the  population  of 
the  immediate  theatre  of  war. 

The  struggle  between  Austria  and  Russia  will  decide, 
for  generations  to  come,  their  position  as  a  race. 

Should  Russia  happen  to  be  victorious  in  this  coming 
struggle,  and  Galicia,  in  consequence,  become  a  Russian 
province,  their  national  revival  that  found  its  refuge  there, 
after  it  has  been  placed  outside  the  law  in  Russia,  would 
be  exposed  to  the  revengeful  hand  of  the  Muscovite. 


33 


Knowing  Russia  and  its  inner  soul  well,  they  enter¬ 
tain  no  illusions  as  to  what  would  be  the  fate  of  their 
national  claims,  in  that  case*. 

With  the  ferociousness  which  characterized  her  per¬ 
secution  of  their  national  aspirations  within  her  borders, 
she  would  now  stamp  out  whatever  national  gains  they 
had  attained  in  Galicia. 

To  bring  about  those  conditions  when  the  Ruthenian 
National  Revival  would  be  within  her  reach,  is  expressly 
the  primary  aim  of  Russia’s  aggressive  ambition. 


*  Sometimes  it  seems  that  there  is  something  racial  in  the 
fierceness  of  the  Russian  intolerance  towards  other  nationalities. 
“Scratch  the  Russian  and  you  will  find  a  Tartar”  it  was  said  in  the 
good  old  days. 


3 


The  object  of  the  present  appeal  is  to  protest  before 
the  civilized  world  the  feelings  of  the  Ruthenians  in 
view  of  the  approaching  events. 

We  desire  the  world  to  understand  distinctly,  that 
those  of  us  who  are  Austro-Hungarian  subjects,  have 
not  a  slightest  wish  to  become  Russian  subjects. 

In  spite  of  Russian  assertions,  which,  unfortunately, 
are  better  known  in  England  and  France  than  our  own 
claims,  we  wish  the  public  to  understand  that  we,  the 
supposed  sufferers,  have  never  complained  ourselves  of 
any  religious  persecution  of  our  co-nationals  on  the  part 
of  Austria"'^*.  Any  complaints  to  that  effect  that  were 
raised,  were  raised  exclusively  by  Russia. 

The  Ruthenians  of  Austria  viev/  the  Russian  advance 
with  utter  suspicion  and  great  alarm.  They  want 
Russia  to  let  them  alone. 

This  view  was  expressly  stated  by  the  solemn 
Council  of  party  leaders  and  public  men,  held  in  Lem¬ 
berg  in  December,  1912,  when  it  was  declared  that  in 
case  of  war,  the  Ruthenians  of  Austria  will  stand  firmly 
by  Austria’s  side.  The  resolutions  of  that  Council  fully 
representative  of  everything  that  matters  in  Austrian 
Ruthenia,  should  be  read  by  everybody  who  wants  to 
know  the  truth  about  the  feelings  of  the  people.  These 
resolutions  were  never  forgotten  by  the  Russians. 

*  .As  nearly  one  quarter  of  a  million  Ruthenians  are  subjects 
of  Kiiiji'  George  in  the  Dominion  of  Canada,  the  author  trusts  this 
appeal  on  behalf  of  his  countrymen  may  arouse  sympathy  among  the 
British  public. 

**  Far  from  that  being  the  case,  the  protests  against  Russian 
impositions  never  ceased.  One  of  them  —  that  of  the  Orthodox  Ru¬ 
thenians  of  Bukovina  —  may  be  here  especially  noticed;  it  declared  in 
the  name  of  the  (.Irthodo.x  that  they  vvere  never  persecuted  in  Austria. 

—  m  — 


The  Ruthenians  want  Galicia  to  remain  in  the  con¬ 
ditions  of  civilized  life ;  they  want  it  preserved  as  the 
refuge  for  their  national  revival. 

In  Russia  their  revival  is  treated  as  treasonable. 
As  long  as  this  is  so,  they  cannot  afford  to  see  the  Au¬ 
strian  part  of  their  country  fall  into  the  Russian  hands. 

In  Russia,  their  national  rights  were  guaranteed  to 
them  by  the  Russo-Ruthenian  Treaty  of  Pereyaslav.  This 
Treaty  is  on  the  Statute  Book  of  the  Russian  Empire, 
a  succession  of  Russian  Tsars  have  solemnly  confirmed 
it,  and  it  has  never  been  abrogated. 

In  the  Heir  of  the  Russian  Throne  the  office  of 
Hetman  or  lawful  ruler  of  Ukraine  is  vested.  When 
Russia  will  re-establish  the  autonomy,  which  is  their 
due,  then  only  she  may  expect  a  different  attitude  on 
the  part  of  the  race  as  a  whole. 

Although  Orthodox  by  religion  and  a  subject  of  the 
Tsar  Nicholas  II.  of  All  the  Russias  —  Great,  Little  and 
White  —  the  present  writer  deems  it  his  duty  as  a 
“Little  Russian”  to  lay  before  the  world  the  circumstances 
amid  which  his  race  is  working  its  way  to  freedom. 
Upon  the  handling  of  the  problems  arising  out  of  the 
national  revival  of  our  race,  the  futere  of  Russia,  Austria, 
and  the  whole  of  Europe  will  depend. 

We  do  not  demand  the  downfall  of  Russia,  nor  do 
we  clamor  for  its  dismemberment;  but  we  are  determined 
to  see  our  race  restored  to  its  position  as  a  nation.  Instead 
of  meddling  with  Galician  affairs  and  planning  of  the 
seizure  of  the  Austro-Hungarian  parts  of  our  ancient 
Kingdom;  instead  of  alarming  our  compatriots  of  Austria 
by  its  aggressive  designs ;  and  alienating  at  the  same 
time  the  feelings  of  loyalty  amongst  its  own  Ruthenian 
subjects,  who  are  35  millions  strong,  Russia  would  achieve 
a  real  feat  of  wisdom  in  policy,  if  she  showed  herself 
a  champion,  instead  of  being  an  oppressor,  of  the  Ru¬ 
thenian  National  rights. 

The  re-introduction  of  the  Ruthenian  language  as 
the  language  of  instruction  into  the  schools,  colleges 
and  Universities  of  the  Ruthenian  territory  in  Russia; 
the  restitution  of  its  rights  in  the  Administration,  Rail¬ 
ways,  Post  Offices  and  Law  Courts  of  the  Province;  the 
concession  of  autonomy  in  legislation,  with  grant  of  a 
local  parliament  in  Kiev  —  might  at  least  for  a  time 
completely  satisfy  the  Ruthenian  subjects  of  the  Tsar. 
This  pol  cy  would  destroy  the  awkward  feeling  which 


—  ;>(i  — 

now  seems  to  be  prevalent  abong  them,  that  no  better 
national  future  can  be  hoped  for  by  them  within  the 
Empire. 

After  all,  it  must  not  be  forgotten,  that  the  best 
regiments  of  Russia  are  composed  of  Ruthenians;  and 
that  important  portion  of  her  armies  —  the  Cossackdom 
of  Kuban  —  is  an  entirely  Ruthenian  organization.  The 
majority  of  the  Russian  sailors  —  including  all  the  sailors 
of  the  Black  Sea  Fleet  —  are  Ruthenians.  Is  it  wise  so 
to  strain  their  loyalty  by  persistent  suppression  of  their 
national  rights,  that  they  should  turn  their  eyes  to  Austria, 
as  a  more  desirable  Ally? 

Russia  likes  to  represent  herself  before  the  Western 
World  as  the  protector  of  the  Slavs,  as  the  champion  of 
their  rights,  as  the  greatest  Slav  Power.  How  is  it  then 
that  she  never  ceases  to  persecute  ruthlessly  the  Ruthe¬ 
nians,  who  are  the  second  largest  Slav  race?  Would  it 
not  be  better  for  her  prestige  among  the  Southern 
and  Western  Slavs  alike,  if  she  put  an  end  to  this 
ignominious  policy? 

The  Slav  policy  of  Russia  is  confronted,  although 
it  may  be  so  far  little  appreciated  in  England,  with  a 
strong  antidote:  the  Slav  pol’cy  of  Austria.  It  is  not  at 
all  a  fact,  as  is  commonly  imagined  in  the  West,  that 
Austria’s  policy  is  universally  hated  by  the  Slavs,  while 
that  of  Russia  meets  with  a  general  enthusiasm.  Of  late 
years  there  has  been  a  growing  feeling  noticeable  in  favor 
of  the  so-called  “Austro-Slavism”.  Austria  is  no  more 
regarded  as  “a  German  Power  aiming  at  the  enslavement 
of  the  Slav  peoples”.  Slavonic  peoples  within  her  borders, 
have  succeeded  in  attaining  a  great  degree  of  independence 
and  freedom.  Even  greater  measure  of  liberty  may  be 
attained  in  the  near  future.  The  Archduke  Franz  Ferdi¬ 
nand  is  credited  with  vast  schemes  for  the  formation  of 
a  huge  confederacy  of  Slavonic  peoples  under  the  Haps- 
burg  sway. 

These,  and  like  rumors,  are  bound  to  act  as  a 
strong  ferment  when  Russia’s  policy  is  marred  by  Its 
unceasing  persecution  of  the  second  greatest  Slav  people. 

The  friends  of  Russia  abroad,  who  wish  to  see  it 
strong,  united  and  efficient,  cannot  hold  any  different 
views  than  those  wich  animate  its  truly  loyal  subjects: 
that  Russia  should  abandon  her  adventurous  ambition 
regarding  the  Austrian  parts  of  Ruthenia,  and  should  at 
the  same  time  completely  alter  her  present  policy  towards 


37 


her  own  Ruthenian  subjects.  Then  she  need  be  in  no 
danger  that  her  richest  provinces  may  be  attracted  to 
Austria,  and  she  will  reap  a  fresh  harvest  of  the  Ruthenian 
loyalty,  which  may  serve  her  an  excellent  turn. 

As  a  matter  of  fact,  there  is  every  reason  to  think 
that  Tsar’s  personal  feelings  toward  the  Ruthenians  are 
quite  sympathetic.  He  clearly  manifested  it  on  several 
occasions.  If,  however,  the  policy  of  Russia  upon  the 
Ruthenian  problem  is  such  as  described  in  the  preceding 
lines,  it  is  a  blunder  provoked  by  the  extremists  of  the 
Russian  Nationalism. 

Count  V.  Bobrinsky  is  one  of  those  men  who  will 
be  responsible  in  the  first  instance,  for  having  steered 
Russia  on  to  the  rocks. 

VLADIMIR  STEPANKOVSKY. 


Contest  Is  Religions,  Says  London  Times, 


I^UTHENIAN  PROPAGANDA,  IT  SAYS,  IS  LARGE 
FACTOR  IN  RUSSIAN  ATTITUDE. 

LONDON,  July  30. — The  London  Times  says  to-day: 

“Russian  interests  in  Servia  are  at  once  political  and 
religious.  Most  of  the  Serb  orthodox  churches  in  old  Ser¬ 
via,  Bosnia  and  Herzegovina  were  built  with  Russian 
money. 

“The  political  interest  of  Russia  in  Servian  indepen¬ 
dence  lies  mainly  in  the  fact  that  Servia  stands  athwart 
the  Austro-Hungarian  line  advance  toward  Salonika,  and 
is  a  bulwark  of  independence  for  the  Balkan  peninsula. 
The  aim  of  the  House  of  Hapsburg  constantly  has  been 
to  obtain  political  hegemony  in  the  Balkans  by  extending 
its  political  influence,  and  by  subsidizing  the  Roman 
Catholic  propaganda  at  the  expense  of  the  orthodox 
churches. 

“The  question  of  Servia,  however,  is  not  the  only 
point  at  issue  between  Russia  and  the  dual  monarchy.  The 
Ruthenian,  or  the  Little  Russian  question  is  equally  formid¬ 
able.  Twenty-five  million  Ruthenians,  or  Little  Russians, 
live  in  the  southwest  provinces  of  Russia,  and  4,500,000 
Little  Russians  on  the  line  of  Galicia  and  northeastern 
Hungary. 

“A  majority  of  these  Austro-Hungarian  Little  Rus¬ 
sians  are  members  of  the  Greek  United  Church,  a  church 
orthodox  in  its  rites,  but  Roman  Catholic  in  its  allegiance 
to  the  government. 

“Vienna  has  during  recent  years  encouraged  the  Greek 
United  propaganda  among  the  Little  Russians  on  both  sides 


39 


40 


of  the  frontier.  Russia  has  replied  by  subsidizing  the  ortho¬ 
dox  propaganda  among  the  Little  Russians  in  Hungary 
and  Austria. 

“The  contest  is  one  of  political  influence  under  a  reli¬ 
gious  cloak.” 

(From  New  York  American,  July  SI.  1914,  No.  11  335). 

N.  B.  As  to  Greek  United  propaganda  by  Austria 
among  the  Ukrainians  in  Russia  the  statement  is  incorrect. 


The  Establishment  of  Russian  Government 
over  Galicia. 

TO  INTRODUCE  RUSSIAN  LANGUAGE  AND 
RUSSIAN  CUSTOMS  IN  EASTERN  GALICIA. 

PETROGRAD,  via  London,  Wednesday. — Despatches 
received  here  from  Lemberg,  Galicia,  declare  that  all  the 
prominent  Austrian  provincial  and  city  offlcials,  together 
with  the  judges,  the  archbishops  of  all  the  churches  and 
the  rabbis,  attended  the  establishment  of  Russian  civil 
government  over  eastern  Galicia  and  the  assumption  of  the 
office  of  governor  general  by  Count  Bobrinsky. 

M.  Rutovsky,  Mayor  of  Lemberg,  in  formally  sur¬ 
rendering  the  government,  spoke  in  Polish,  and  said : — 

“Not  without  our  co-operation  have  the  Austro-Hun¬ 
garian  troops  left  Lemberg  without  firing  a  shot.  There 
was  no  struggle  here,  thanks  to  our  efforts.  We  believe 
Your  Excellency  has  been  informed  that  your  troops  found 
here  co-operation  and  a  cordial  reception. 

“In  proffering  the  government  of  this  capital  allow  me 
to  express  my  gratitude  to  the  former  military  governor,, 
who  lessened  our  hardships.” 

Count  Bobrinsky  replied  in  Russian.  After  thanking 
the  Mayor  for  keeping  order  in  the  town,  he  said : — 

“I  think  it  necessary  to  acquaint  you  with  the  leading 
principles  of  my  policy.  I  consider  Lemberg  and  East 
Galicia  the  real  origin  of  Great  Russia,  since  the  original 
population  was  Russian.  The  reorganization  will  be  based 


41 


on  Russian  ideals.  We  will  immediately  introduce  the  Rus¬ 
sian  language  and  Russian  customs.  These  steps  will  be 
taken  with  the  necessary  care. 

“We  shall  at  first  limit  this  to  the  appointment  of  Rus¬ 
sian  governors  and  other  officials.  Many  of  the  present 
executives  will  not  be  replaced.  We  shall  forbid  the  con¬ 
vocation  of  your  legislature  during  the  war.  All  social  and 
political  organizations  must  be  discontinued,  and  may  re¬ 
sume  their  activities  only  by  permission.  These  precepts 
obtain  only  in  East  Galicia;  West  Galicia  will  be  treated 
differently.” 

(From  the  New  York  Evening  Telegram,  September  30.  1914). 

N.  B.  The  archbishops  of  all  the  churches  could  not 
attend  “the  establishment  of  Russian  civil  government  over 
Eastern  Galicia"  on  September  30  (or  the  day  before),  as 
the  Ukrainian  Greek  Catholic  Archbishop  Count  Sheiptit- 
sky  was  arrested  on  Sunday,  September  8,  and  has  since 
been  forcibly  detained  in  Kursk,  Russia. 


To  Russianize  Galicia. 


SCHOOL  COURSES  IN  RUSSIAN  THERE  AND 
IN  BUKOWINA  PLANNED. 

.  PETROGRAD,  Dec.  20. — Arrangements  have  been 
made  under  the  auspices  of  a  member  of  the  Duma  charged 
with  national  education  in  Galicia  for  a  large  number  of 
elementary  school  teachers  in  the  native  schools  of  Galicia 
to  attend  at  certain  centres  a  series  of  lectures  on  Russian 
language  and  literature.  Lvoff  (Lemberg)  Sambor,  Tar- 
nopol,  Stanislavoff,  and  Chernovtsi  are  the  first  towns 
chosen  for  opening  these  courses  in  Russian. 

Besides  this  measure,  Russia  will  open  in  January  ten 
model  elementary  common  schools  where  all  teaching  will 
be  given  in  the  Russian  language  as  the  medium.  These 
will  be  situated  in  East  Galicia  and  Bukowina,  five  in, 
towns  and  the  rest  in  villages. 

(From  New  York  Times,  December  21.  1914,  No.  20.785). 


42 


Tsar’s  Rule  in  Lemberg. 


GERMANS  SAY  PROMINENT  FAMILIES  WERE 
REDUCED  TO  BEGGARY. 

RUTHENIAN  LANGUAGE  WAS  PROHIBITED. 

BERLIN,  June  25,  (via  London.) — The  Berlin  Tage- 
blatt  has  received  a  dispatch  from  its  correspondent  at 
Lemberg  descriptive  of  the  situation  in  that  city,  which: 
reads  as  follows: 

“Reviewing  the  nine  months’  rule  of  the  Russians  in 
Lemberg,  it  is  found  that  among  the  chief  sufferers  in  the 
Galician  capital  are  certain  former  Government  officials 
whose  salaries  could  no  longer  be  paid. 

“Prominent  families  were  reduced  to  begging  in  the 
streets,  and  compelled  to  satisfy  their  hunger  in  the  kit¬ 
chens  of  other  people.  Well-known  men  of  Lemberg 
chopped  and  sold  wood,  while  their  wives  baked  and  pedd¬ 
led  bread  and  cakes  around  the  city. 

“The  prices  of  food  reached  exorbitant  figures.  Butter 
cost  six  crowns  ($1.20)  per  kilogram,  (2.20  pounds,  01^ 
equivalent  to  55  cents  a  pound).  The  City  of  Lemberg  is¬ 
sued  emergency  two-crown  notes  which,  however,  had  a 
barter  value  of  only  one  crown. 

“Regular  Russian  policemen  and  Cossacks  patroled  the 
city.  The  schools  were  permitted  to  stay  open  only  with 
the  express  consent  of  the  Military  Governor.  At  least  five 
hours  every  week  had  to  be  devoted  to  the  study  of  the 
Russian  language.  Only  textbooks  approved  for  use  in 
Russian  schools  were  permitted  in  Lemberg.  The  Russian 
calendar  was  introduced.  Certain  prominent  residents  fa¬ 
vorable  to  Russia  assisted  the  invaders,  and  one  of  these, 
M.  Gluszkiewicz,  a  well-known  Russophil  leader,  was  later 
rewarded  by  being  named  Mayor  of  Przemysl. 

“All  men  of  military  age  v/ere  taken  into  custody  by 
the  Russian  authorities,  as  were  also  all  pensioned  Aus¬ 
trian  and  Hungarian  officers.  These  included  General  Ryck, 
a  veteran  of  Sebastopol,  over  80  years  of  age. 

“The  Russian  municipal  officials  began  leaving  the  ci¬ 
ty  the  latter  part  of  May,  and  all  had  disapeared  before 


43 


Lemberg  fell.  Emperor  Nicholas  paid  one  visit  to  the  Ga¬ 
lician  capital  while  it  was  under  Russian  control.  Ruthen- 
ian  books  were  destroyed  by  the  Russian  authorities,  and 
the  exchange  of  telegrams  and  letters  in  the  Rutheniaa 
language  was  prohibited. 

(From  The  New  York  Times,  June  26,  1915.) 


Arrest  of  Archbishop  Sheptitsky. 


ROME,  Dec.  12. — We  are  getting  the  details  about 
the  arrest  of  His  Excellency  Most  Rev.  Andrew  A.  Shep¬ 
titsky,  Primate  of  Lemberg,  by  the  Russian  authorities. 
When  the  Russian  army  came  into  occupation  of  the  city, 
the  word  was  circulated  to  show  every  honor  to  the  Ruthe- 
nian  Metropolitan  and  to  visit  his  churches  freely.  Sunday 
the  Cathedral  of  St.  George  was  full,  not  only  of  Ruthe- 
nians  but  of  Russia’s  Orthodox  soldiers.  Naturally  they 
had  gone  there  these  latter  to  show  that  Russian  Ortho¬ 
doxy  considered  Galician  Ruthenians  as  Russian  Ortho¬ 
dox,  compelled  by  Poland  on  the  one  hand  and  Austria  on 
the  other,  to  be  in  communion  with  Rome. 

And  therefore  Mgr.  Sheptitsky,  at  the  Solemn  High 
Mass,  spoke  to  his  people  and  exhorted  them  to  remain, 
faithful  to  their  conscientious  duty — to  be  faithful  to  the 
Roman  See,  and  not  to  allow  themselves  to  be  seduced  by 
its  enemies.  The  Orthodox  game  was  up,  and  Mgr.  Shep¬ 
titsky  had  to  pay  for  his  loyalty  on  the  spot.  The  Russian 
military  authorities  made  him  a  prisoner  of  war  at  once, 
and  sent  him  by  Kiev  to  Nizhni-Novgorod,  where  he  re¬ 
mains  under  guard  in  an  hotel.  Evidently  the  Russian  game 
was  to  put  the  Ruthenian  pastor  asleep  so  that  his  sheep 
might  be  stolen  from  him.  They  commenced  by  sending 
Orthodox  soldiers  to  the  Archbishop’s  Mass  to  prepare  the 
Ruthenian  Catholics  to  hear  the  Mass  of  the  Russian  Or¬ 
thodox  Bishop  Euloge.  As  a  matter  of  fact  this  latter  im¬ 
mediately  took  possession  of  St.  George’s  Cathedral  at 
once  when  Mgr.  Sheptitsky  was  made  prisoner,  which  is 
proof  that  not  his  politics  but  his  rite  was  hated.  They 


44 


wanted  to  de-Catholicize  Galicia.  This  plan  is  in  its  turn 
the  fulfillment  of  the  unheard  of  blow  of  Alexander  IL 
facing  the  Russian  Galicians  to  be  inscribed  as  Orthodox 
and  visiting  pains  on  those  who  persisted  in  calling  them¬ 
selves  Catholics.  When  because  of  revolution  in  1905  a 
ukase  gave  again  liberty  of  conscience,  10,000,000  Ruthe- 
nians  pitched  the  Orthodox  faith  to  the  four  winds.  Russia 
set  to  work  under-handedly  to  prevent  such  public  avowals 
of  Catholicity.  Lately  they  recalled  the  decree  of  1905,  and 
we  have  the  spectacle  of  a  people  who  protested  against 
the  imprisonment  for  conscience  of  a  common  laymen, 
holding  itself  mute  in  the  face  of  the  jailing  of  a  great  pre¬ 
late  like  Mgr.  Sheptitsky,  and  intruding  in  his  cathedral 
an  odious  schismatical  prelate.  All  Catholics  worthy  of  the 
name  all  over  the  world  will  protest  vigorously,  however^ 
They  will  not  cease,  for  here  is  a  real  case  of  religious 
persecution. 

(From  The  Catholic  Register  and  Canadian  Extension,  No.  50., 
Toronto,  Ont.,  Canada,  December  24.  1914). 


“One  of  the  first  acts  of  the  Russian  conquerors  in; 
Galicia  was  the  banishment  of  the  venerable  head  of  the 
Ruthenian  Uniat  Church,  Count  Andrew  Sheptitsky,  the 
Metropolitan  of  Lemberg.  It  is  currently  reported  that 
Count  Sheptitsky  has  been  interned  in  Siberia.  I  have  the 
honor  of  being  an  old  personal  friend  of  the  venerable  pre¬ 
late,  the  most  eager  and  convinced  apostle  of  the  union  of 
churches  at  the  present  time ;  a  Maecenas  of  the  new  Ru¬ 
thenian  culture;  a  leader  of  both  the  religious  and  literary 
awakening  of  his  flock;  a  priest  devoted  until  death  to  the 
Catholic  Church.  Thus,  the  Uniat  Church  in  Galicia  has 
been  widowed  of  its  pastor  in  the  most  trying  period  of  its 
history.  More  than  once,  in  the  columns  of  the  „Cerkovniya 
Vyedomosti,”  the  official  organ  of  the  Holy  Governing 
Synod,  we  have  read  violent  diatribes  against  Count  Shep¬ 
titsky,  whom  Russians  hate  cordially  as  a  man  who  has 
contributed  greatly  to  the  strengthening  of  the  Ukrainophile 
party,  and  the  consequent  disruption  of  the  ethnical  com¬ 
pactness  of  the  Russian  body. 


Count  Andrew  Sheptitsky, 

( jrtek-Catholir  Arohliishop  of  LeiiihiT;;, 


47 


But  Russian  conquerors  of  Galicia  have  not  confined 
themselves  to  tearing  Count  Sheptitsky  from  his  fllock. 

^  The  imposing  dwelling  of  the  Ruthenlan  metropolitans, 
which  towers  over  the  city  of  Lemberg,  has  become  the 
residence  of  an  Orthodox  bishop.  All  the  literary  and  ar¬ 
tistic  treasures  accumulated  in  this  magnificent  palace  by 
the  venerable  prelate,  the  precious  documents  stored  in  its 
archives,  have  been  seized.  Thus  a  large  part  of  the  his¬ 
torical  life  of  the  Ruthenian  Uniat  Church  has  fallen  into 
Russian  hands.  The  new  ecclesiastical  ruler  of  the  Cathe¬ 
dral  of  St.  George  (the  cathedral  church  of  the  Ruthenian 
Uniat  metropolitans)  will  very  soon  claim  for  himself  the 
supreme  direction  of  the  Ruthenian  Uniat  Church.” 

(From  an  article  by  F.  Palmieri,  entitled  ’’Galicia  and  the  Russian 
Church,”  published  in  ’’The  Catholic  World”,  New  York,  June,  1915). 

N.  B.  The  Ukrainian  Greek  Catholic  Archbishop 
from  Galicia,  Count  Andrew  Sheptitsky,  who  was  arrested 
by  the  Russians  in  Lemberg  is  now  neither  in  Nizhni- 
Novgorod  nor  in  Siberia,  but  in  Kursk  (about  250  miles 
south  of  Moscow). 


As  a  result  of  the  hostility  of  the  Russian  Archbishop 
of  Kursk,  M.  Tikhon,  the  Austrian  Archbishop,  Count 
Sheptitsky,  who  had  been  forcibly  taken  from  Lemberg  to 
Kursk,  is  no  longer  even  allowed  to  attend  church.  The 
“Russkoye  Slovo”  is  authority  for  the  statement  that  he 
is  kept  in  rigorous  confinement  at  his  house.  The  com¬ 
missioner  of  Police,  who  allowed  Count  Sheptitsky  to 
visit  a  monastery  at  Snamensk  during  religious  services, 
in  the  company  of  a  guard,  was  punished  by  the  Governor 
by  several  day’s  confinement  in  jail. 

(From  The  New  York  Flvening  Post,  No.  200,  July  10.  1915). 


Michael  Hrushevsky, 

Professor  at  tl'.e  University  of  Ltniberv,  a  itl  or  jf  the  famous 
“History  of  the  Ukraine". 


4 


^.V-J 


51 


Arrest  of  Professor  Hrushevsky. 


The  well  known  Ukrainian  leader  and  professor  in  the 
University  of  Lemberg,  Michael  Hrushevsky,  was  recently 
arrested  in  Kiev,  through  which  he  passed  on  his  return 
from  Venice.  Professor  Hrushevsky  lectured  on  history 
in  the  Ruthenian  (Ukrainian)  language.  He  is  a  Russian 
subject. 

(The  Evening  Post,  New  York,  January  19,  1915). 


The  members  of  the  Russian  Academy  of  Sciences,  a 
majority  of  whom  not  long  ago  protested  against  the  op¬ 
pression  of  the  minor  nationalities  of  Russia,  and  who  are 
still  being  attacked  by  the  „Novoye  Vremya”  for  their 
stand,  recently  attempted,  under  the  leadership  of  M. 
Shakhmatoff,  to  obtain  a  commutation  of  the  sentence  of 
Professor  Hrushevsky,  a  native  of  the  Ukraine,  who  had 
been  condemned  to  exile  to  Siberia.  Their  efforts,  however, 
proved  unavailing,  and,  according  to  the  Russian  papers, 
Professor  Hrushevsky  has  been  sent  to  Symbirsk. 

(From  The  New  York  Evening  Post,  No.  200,  July  10,  1915.) 


Protests  Russian  Rule  in  Galicia. 


Made  by  Representative  of  the  Ruthenians  in 
the  Austrian  Parliament. 


THEIR  LANGUAGE  FORBIDDEN. 

Orthodox  Religion  Forced  Upon  Them.  —  Though  Slavs, 
He  Says,  They  Are  Not  Russians,  but  Ukrainians. 

A  protest  against  Russian  possession  of  the  newly 
seized  territory  of  Galicia  by  the  armies  of  the  Tsar  is 
made  by  Dr.  C.  Levitsky,  President  of  the  Ukrainian 
Parliamentary  Delegation  in  Austria,  in  a  communication 
to  the  “Journal  de  Geneve.” 

“Eastern  Galicia,”  he  says,  “the  northwest  of  Buko- 
wina  and  the  northeast  of  Hungary,  are  inhabited  by 


52 


4,200,000  Ukrainians,  (generally  known  in  this  country  as 
Ruthenians.)  More  than  30,000.000  Ukrainians  live  in  the 
Russian  “Governments”  (provinces)  of  Kholm,  Volhynia, 
Podolia,  Kherson,  Kieff,  Chernigoff,  Poltava,  Kharkoff,. 
Ekaterinaslav,  Tauria,  Kuban,  and  a  part  of  the  “Govern¬ 
ments”  of  Bessarabia,  Grodno,  Minsk,  Kursk,  &c. 

“These  are  not  ‘Little  Russians’.  That  name  was  im¬ 
posed  upon  them  by  the  Russian  Government  in  the  seven¬ 
teenth  and  eighteenth  centuries,  and  the  Ukrainians  in¬ 
habiting  Austria  did  not  begin  to  be  called  Ruthenians 
until  the  eighteenth  century.  The  names  of  Ukraine  and 
Ukrainians  are  the  only  ones  in  actual  use  among  the 
‘intellectuals’  of  the  nation  over  a  territory  of  about  850,000 
square  kilometers,  (about  328,185  square  miles). 

“The  Ukrainians  are  not  a  branch  of  the  Russian 
people.  They  are  a  nation  as  independent  and  as  different 
from  the  Russians  as  the  Poles  or  the  Bulgars.  Their  great 
popular  art  and  poetry  are  entirely  original.  The  Ruthe- 
nian  language  is  more  different  from  Russian  than  Bohe¬ 
mian  is  from  Polish.  Because  of  the  Ruthenians’  ignorance 
of  Russian,  which  is  the  language  exclusively  used  in  the 
schools,  there  is  a  fearfully  high  proportion  of  illiterates 
in  the  Ukrainian  provinces  of  Russia. 

“Russia’s  claims  upon  the  Ukraine  are  justified  only 
in  so  far  as  are  those  of  France  upon  Germany,  an  vice 
versa.  These  latter  States  were  once  part  of  the  empire  of 
Charlemagne,  as  Russia  and  the  Ukraine  were  of  that  of 
Vladimir  the  Great  of  Kieff.  But  Russia  claims  all  of  the 
old  inheritance,  and  since  the  sixteenth  century  has  been 
making  a  collection  of  Russian  countries.  The  Ukrainians 
in  the  sixteenth  and  seventeenth  centuries  formed  a  war¬ 
like  organization  of  the  Cossacks  of  Zaporozhe,  and  in 
1648  wrested  their  independence  from  the  Poles. 
Menaced  on  every  side,  the  young  Ukrainian  State  in 
1654  had  to  join  itself  to  Russia  as  a  tributary  but  auto¬ 
nomous  State.  But  Russia  betrayed  the  unsuspecting 
Ukrainians.  She  divided  the  Ukraine  with  Poland,  restrict¬ 
ed  the  freedom  which  had  been  accorded  to  the  country, 
Russified  the  Ukrainian  Church,  which  had  before  been 
independent,  and  began  a  war  of  extermination  against  the 
language,  customs,  literature  and  culture  of  the  Ukraine. 
In  1876  the  Tsar  issued  a  decree  forbidding  the  printing  of 
any  work  in  the  Ukrainian  language  —  a  measure  un¬ 
exampled  in  history,  which  enslaved  the  second  Slav  nation, 
for  thirty  years. 


55 


“Now  the  collectors  of  Russian  countries  have  arrived 
in  Eastern  Galicia  as  its  deliverers.  For  the  Ukrainians  of 
Galicia  the  Russian  occupation  is  no  doubt  a  liberation,  but 
one  from  their  national  and  political  life.  They  are  con¬ 
demned  by  the  Russians  to  national  death.  The  Austrian 
Government  has,  as  a  matter  of  law,  accorded  to  Ukrai¬ 
nians  in  Galicia  the  same  guarantees  as  other  Austrian 
nationalities.  But  in  fact  they  have  been  oppressed  by  the 
more  powerful  Poles  and  have  been  hampered  in  their 
development.  Notwithstanding  all  this,  the  Ukrainians  in 
Galicia  have  been  able  to  maintain  their  language  in  official 
usage,  in  the  church,  the  schools,  and  in  the  university. 

“The  Russian  invasion  of  Galicia  destroyed  at  a  blow 
all  this  work  of  many  years.  The  Ukrainian  language  has 
been  forbidden  as  an  official  medium  of  communication  and 
in  the  services  of  the  church  and  in  the  schools.  All  the 
Ukrainian  newspapers  in  Galicia  have  been  suppressed, 
the  libraries  destroyed,  the  Ukrainian  books  belonging 
to  individuals  confiscated,  arid  the  collections  of  the  mu¬ 
seums  sent  to  Russia.  All  Ukrainian  associations  have  been 
dissolved.  Hundreds  of  Galician  notables  of  Ukrainian  na¬ 
tionality  have  been  sent  to  Siberia. 

“The  United  Greek  Church,  to  which  for  more  than 
two  centuries  all  the  Ukrainians  of  Eastern  Galicia  have 
belonged — which  has  become  a  national  church — is  now 
persecuted  in  every  way.  Its  head,  the  Metropolitan  Arch¬ 
bishop,  Count  Andrew  Sheptitsky,  has  been 
taken  into  the  interior  of  Russia;  many  priests  have  been 
exiled,  the  people  terrorized,  and  in  their  half-famished 
state  converted  by  the  aid  of  threats  and  promises  by  the 
Orthodox  popes  imported  from  Russia.  In  the  United 
Greek  and  Catholic  churches  Orthodox  masses  are  cele¬ 
brated  in  accordance  with  the  precept  and  example  of 
Eulogius,  Bishop  of  Volhynia,  the  celebrated  proselytizer. 
Now  they  are  beginning  to  transform  by  force  the  Greek- 
Catholic  churches  into  Orthodox,  because,  they  say,  they 
were  Orthodox  two  or  three  hundred  years  ago  and  ought 
to  become  so  again. 

“The  introduction  of  Russian  Orthodoxy,  with  its  Rus¬ 
sian  sermons  which  are  impossible  of  comprehension  by  the 
people,  with  the  interdict  of  the  mother  tongue  even  in 
converse  with  God — is  this  really  synonymous  with  ‘the 
return  to  the  religion  of  our  fathers?’  ” 

(The  New  York  Times,  No,  20.937,  Ma}-  22,  1915). 


I 


LITERME  ON  THE  UKRlli  OUESTION 


[Most  of  these  books  are  to  be  obtained  in  the  New  York  Public  Library]. 


ENGLISH. 

Elisee  Recliis :  Universal  Geography.  .Vol.  I.  pp.  269 — 

317;  379—384. 

Prof.  Alfred  Rambaud :  History  of  Russia.  Vol.  I,  chapters 
XX,  XXI,  XXII.  London  1879. 

N.  Bilashevsky :  Peasant  Art  in  the  Ukraine.  “The  Studio”, 
Special  Autumn  Number.  London,  1912. 

Steveni,  W.  Barnes :  Things  seen  in  Russia.  Cap.  Little 
Russia,  the  Blessed.  Dutton  &  Co,  New  York  1913. 

B.  Sands:  Ukraine.  Francis  Griffiths,  34,  IMaiden  Lane, 
Strand,  London,  C.,  1914. 

Yaroslav  Fedortchouk:  Memorandum  on  the  Ukrainian 
Question  in  its  National  Aspect.  Francis  Griffiths. 
London,  1914. 

Ernest  Ludwig,  1.  and  R.  Consul  for  Austria-Hungary  in 
Cleveland,  Ohio:  Austria  Hungary  and  the  War.  New 
York,  1915. 

FRENCH. 

Elisee  Reclus :  Geographie  Universelle.  V,  pp.  442 — 558. 
Les  Annales  des  nationalites.  Bulletin  de  I’Union  des 
nationalites.  Numeros  consacres  a  I’etude  de  1’  U- 
kraine,  41,  Boulevard  des  Batignolles,  Paris. 

R.  Sembratovycz :  Le  Tsarisme  et  1’  Ukraine.  Paris. 


I 


II 


Prof.  i\r.  Ilrushevsky;  Le  Probleme  de  1’  Ukraine.  Revue 
politique  internationale,  1914,  pp.  289 — 328.  Lausanne 
1914. 

Maurice  Lair ;  En  Galicie,  Noblesse  Polonaise  et  Paysans 
Ruthenes.  R.  Annales  des  sci.  polit.  v.  18.  p.  554 — 572, 
707 — 717;  V.  19.  p.  185.  Paris  1903 — 1904. 

Yaroslav  Fedortchouk :  Le  reve'.l  national  des  Ukrainiens. 
Paris,  Bureau  du  Cercle  des  L%rainiens,  1912. 


GERMAN. 

Ludwig  Kulczycki :  Geschichte  der  russischen  Revolution. 
\Yrlag  Friedrich  Andreas  Perthes  S.-G.  Gotha  1910 — 
1914.  Erster  Teil.  .Siebentes  Kapitel.  VII.  Zweiter 
Teil.  Drittes  Kapitel.  A".  Zweiter  Teil.  Fuenftes 
Kapitel.  III.  Dritter  Teil.  Siebentes  Kapitel  XXIV. 

Helmolt :  Weltgeschlchte.  Band  5.  Abteilung:  Besonders 
pp.  538 — 549.  Bibliographisches  Inst.  Leipzig  und 
Wien  1915. 

Brockhaus’  Konversations-lexikon.  1902.  Band  X.  Klein- 
russen.  Kleinrussische  Literatur. 

Russen  ueber  Russland.  Ein  Sammelwerk.  Literarische 
Anstalt:  Ruetten  und  Loening,  Frankfurt  am  Main 
1906.  Cap.  “Die  Kleinrussen’’. 

Prof.  Otto  Hoetzsch :  Russland.  Cap.  Die  Ukrainische 
Frage.  Georg  Reimers  Verlag,  Berlin  1913. 

B.  Jaworskyj :  Das  Urtell  der  europaeischen  Kulturwelt 
ueber  den  Ukas  von  1876.  (Durch  welchen  die  u- 
krainische  Literatur  im  russischen  Reiche  verboten 
wurde).  Wien  1905. 

Kuschnir  und  Popowytsch :  Taras  Schewtschenko,  der 
groesste  Dichter  der  Ukraine.  Wien  1914. 

R.  Sembratowycz :  Das  Zarentum  im  Kampfe  mit  der 
Zivilization.  Frankfurt  1905. 


Ill 


J.  Romanczuk:  Die  Ruthenen  und  ihre  Gegner  in  Galizien. 
Wien  1902. 

Sozialistische  Monatshefte.  Stuttgart  1908,  Heft  10. 

Karl  Leuthner:  Das  Ende  der  polnischen  Staatsidee,  (Der 
Verfasser  meint  ein  polnischer  Staat,  der  auch  Li- 
thauen,  Bjelo-Rusj  und  Ukraine  inbegrifife,  lasse  sich 
nicht  mehr  denken).  Der  Kampf,  Wien,  1914  Nr.  l 
Otto  Bauer. 

Dr.  Stephan  Rudnyzky :  Ukraine  und  die  Ukrainer. 
Druck :  “Vorwaerts”.  Wien  V.  Rechte  Wollzeile  97. 
Wien  1914. 

George  Cleinow ;  Das  Problem  der  Ukraina.  Die  Grenz- 
boten  (nr.  45).  Zeitschrift  fuer  Politik.  Lit.  und 
Kunst  1914,  II.  November.  Berlin  S.  W.  ii.  Tem- 
pelhofer  Ufer  35  a. 

Mychajlo  Hruschewskyj :  Ein  Uberblick  der  Geschichte 
der  Ukraina.  Wien,  1914. 

Prof.  Michael  Hruschewskyj :  Die  ukrainische  Frage  in 
'historischer  Entwicklung.  Wien,  1915. 

Dr.  Eugen  Lewicky :  Die  Ukraine  der  Lebensnerv  Russ- 
lands.  Deutsche  Verlags-Anstalt,  Stuttgart  und  Ber¬ 
lin,  1915. 

Dr.  L.  Cehelskyj :  Der  Krieg,  die  Ukraina  und  die  Balkan- 
staaten.  Verlag  des  Bundes  zur  Befreiung  der  Ukraina. 
Wien,  1915. 

Dr.  Wladimir  Kuschnir;  Die  Ukraina  und  ihre  Bedeutung 
im  gegenwartigen  Krieg  mit  Russland.  Wien,  1915. 

D.  Donzow :  Die  ukrainische  Staatsidee  und  der  Krieg 
gegen  Russland.  Berlin,  1915. 


IV 


SWEDISH. 

Prof.  Harald  ITjaerne:  Oestanifran.  Cap.  Den  lillryska 
nationalitetsroerelsen.s  urspriing  (1879).  Hugo  Ge- 
bers  foerlag,  Stockholm  1905. 

Prof.  Gustaf  Steffen:  Krig  och  kultur.  Caip.  III.  9,  10. 
Albert  Bonniers  foerlag.  Stockholm  1914. 

Alfred  Jensen :  Ukrajnas  nationalskad.  Finsk  Tidskrift 
H.  V.  T.  LXII.  Helsingfors. 

NORWEGIAN. 

Bjoernstjerne  Bjoernson  :  Artikler  och  taler,  B.  II.  Utgivet 
Chr.  Collin.  Christiania  1913. 

RUSSIAN. 

IIpo(|).  M.  rpymeBCKift  :  H.a.iK)CTpHpoBaHHaH  Hcxopia  yKpa- 
HHBi.  H3/1;.  “IIpocBiigeHie”.  C.  neTep6ypn>,  1913. 

M.  JJparoMaHOBT. :  Codpanie  no.aHTHHecKHXT>  coHnneniH. 
Tomt.  I.  I.  HcTopnaecKaa  Hojitma  n  BejiHKOpyccKaa  /^e- 
MOKpaxia.  2.  Ontixt  yKpanHCKon  nojiHXHKO-cogiajrbHoft 
nporpaMMBi.  Societe  nouvelle  de  librairie  et  d’edition, 
Paris,  1905. 

MHxaHax.  nexpoBKHT,  J^paroManoBT. :  Codpanie  nojiHXHne- 
CKHXT.  coHHHeHiH.  Socictc  nouvelle  de  librairie  et 
d’edition,  1905. 

-JI.  BacHaeBCKiff :  IlojibCKO-yKpaHHCKia  oxHomeHia  bx.  Pa- 
angiii.  ,,PyccKoe  BoraxCTBo”.  Cx.  Hexepdypr-b,  1908. 
(No.  8,  p.  I — 24.) 

KicBCKaa  CxapnHa.  NKpanucKin  Bonpoct  bx.  ero  xicxopnae- 
CKOMx.  ocBiipeiuH.  EieBx.,  1905  (v.  90 — 91,  p.  143 — 172). 


POLISH. 


Leon  W'asilewski :  Ukraina  i  sprawa  ukrainska.  Wydaw- 
nictwo  “Ksiazka”,  Krakow  1911. 

Ludwig  Kulczycki :  Kwestya  Polsko-Ruska.  1912  (1913). 

Waclaw  Lipinski :  Z  dziejow  Ukrainy.  Ksi^gA  pamiatkowa 
ku  czci  VVdodzimierza  Antonowicza,  Paulina  Swi^cic- 
kiego  i  Tadeusza  Rylskiego,  wydana  staraniem  dr.  J. 
Jurkiewicza,  Fr.  Wolskiej,  Ludw.  Siedleckiego  i  Wa- 
clawa  Lipinskiego.  Krakow,  1913.  Ksi^g.  D.  E.  Fried- 
leina. 

\\'adaw  Lipinski :  Szlachta  na  Ukrainie.  Udzial  jej  w  zy- 
ciu  narodu  na  tie  jego  dziejow.  Krakow,  1909. 


THE  UKRAINIAN  PERIODICAL 
PUBLICATIONS  IN  FOREIGN  LANGUAGES: 


IN  FRENCH: 

L’  UKRAINE,  Edition,  publiee  par  V.  Stepankovsky. 
Adresse  de  la  Redact'ion  de  “L’Ukraine”:  Imprimeries 
Reunies,  S.  A.  Avenue  de  la  Gare,  23,  Lausanne, 
Suisse. 

LA  REVUE  UKRANIENNE,  Mensuel  edite  par  Arthur 
Seelieb,  Lausanne,  Suisse,  Mornex,  17. 

IN  GERMAN: 

UKRAINISCHE  RUNDSCHAU,  Monatsschrift  fiir  Poli- 
tik.  XIII.  Jahrgang. — Herausgeber  und  Redakteur  Dr. 
Wladimir  Kuschnir. — Wien  XVIII.,  Gersthoferstrasse 
68. 

UKRAINISCHES  KORRESPONDENZBLATT. 

Erscheint  jeden  Donnerstag.  Wien,  VIII.  Josefstad- 
terstrasse  43 — 45. 

UKRAINISCHE  NACHRICHTEN.  Wochenschrift.  Wien, 
VIII.  Josefstadterstrasse  79. 

IN  RUSSIAN: 

^YKPAHHCKAH  }KH3Hb,”  exceMicaHHun  acypHaa-b.  Mo- 
CKBa,  B.  ^Zl^MHTpoBKa,  14.  (“Ukrainian  Life”,  monthly 
magazine,  appearing  in  Moscow,  Russia,  since  1912). 


N.  B.  Arrangements  have  been  made  for  publishing  a 
Ukrainian  periodical  in  ENGLISH,  at  Lausanne, 
Switzerland. 


BOOKS  ON  THE  UKRAINIAN  QUESTION 
TO  BE  OBTAINED  FROM: 

THE  UKRAINIAN  NATIONAL  COUNCIL, 

83  Grand  St.,  Jersey  City,  N.  J. 

— 0 — 

THE  UKRAINE,  reprint  of  a  Lecture  Delivered  on  Ukrai¬ 
nian  History  and  Present-Day  Political  Problems  by 
Bedwin  Sands.  London,  1914.  (Illustrated). — 
Net  $0.50. 

MEMORANDUM  on  the  Ukrainian  Question  in  its  Na¬ 
tional  Aspect  by  Yaroslav  Fedortchouk.  Lon¬ 
don,  1914. — Net  $0.50. 

THE  UKRAINE  AND  THE  UKRAINIANS.  By  Ste¬ 
fan  Rudnitsky,  Ph.  D.  (With  three  maps).  Jer¬ 
sey  City,  N.  J. — Net  $0.25. 

THE  RUSSIAN  PLOT  TO  SEIZE  GALICIA  (Austrian 
Ruthenia)  byVladimirStepankovsky.  Second 
edition  enlarged.  (With  portraits  and  maps). — Net 
$0.25. 


The  following  pviblications  on  the  Ukrainian  question  are  being  prepared: 

RUSSIA,  POLAND  AND  THE  UKRAINE  by  Prof. 
Gustaf  Steffen  (translated  from  the  Swedish). 

A  SYMPOSIUM  ON  THE  UKRAINIAN  QUESTION 
by  Edwin  Bjorkman,  Michael  Hrushevsky,  Prof.  Otto 
Hoetzsch  and  others. 


N.  B.  Besides  those  books,  there  have  appeared  during  the 
present  European  war  various  publications  on  the 
Ukrainian  question :  in  ^henna,  Budapest,  Berlin, 
Rome,  Constantinople,  and  many  capitals  of  neutral 
states,  in  the  following  languages:  English,  German, 
Russian,  French,  Ukrainian,  Italian,  Hungarian, 
Bohemian,  Roumanian,  Bulgarian,  Swedish  and 
Turkish. 


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THE  RACES  OK  AI  STRIA - Hl'NCARV 


Feb  1  ’32K 


.  i 


940,91?>'5  s  827  PI3305 

- _ _ 

to 

94c .918^  3027  PI5305 


